Saturday, June 11, 2011

A “balance of power” lunch with the three independents?

Yes.

It's one of the prizes in the Midwinter Ball charity auction.

Bid here.

Bidding closes Wednesday 5.00 pm


• The Prime Minister Julia Gillard is offering a spectacular dinner for six at The
Lodge or her Sydney residence Kirribilli House. This is a unique opportunity
for corporate Australia to dine with the nation’s leader. So far $4000

• Political junkies will love the 2010 “Campaign Blanket” – a unique piece of
behind the scenes election history - patchwork handicraft by the PM
Julia Gillard and her staff – it is 216 x 180 cm in size. So far $265

• The ball’s in the court of Opposition leader Tony Abbott who will host a
tennis lesson for one with Davis Cup Champion & Liberal MP John
Alexander. This is followed by a brunch or lunch for six people in Sydney. So far $4900

• Treasurer Wayne Swan is generously offering two people the chance to
attend the Brisbane Broncos v Gold Coast Titans rugby league match at
Suncorp Stadium on Friday July 15, 2011. Tickets and hospitality will be in
the Former Origin Greats Hospitality Box - with thanks to the Former Origin
Greats. Starting bid $3000

• The Leader of the Greens Bob Brown is offering an exclusive spring
breakfast for four in Canberra followed by a walk along Bob Brown’s
proposed Democracy Walk starting at Civic (in Canberra’s CBD) and
ending at Parliament House. Starting bid $2000

• A “balance of power” lunch or dinner for six with the three independents -
Tony Windsor, Rob Oakeshott & Bob Katter - in one of Parliament’s fine
dining rooms during a Federal Parliamentary sitting week. So far $2000

• Qantas, the Spirit of Australia, is generously offering a range of fantastic
overseas travel options for the successful bidder. Bidders can choose
from a range of travel hot spots return business class to London,
Shanghai, Johannesburg, Buenos Aires or New York. So far $5900

Buy yourself a piece of the action, for charity.


Read more >>

Friday, June 10, 2011

Plain Pack wars: The Dominican Republic takes on Australia!

Ouch.

From the World Trade Organisation June 7 intellectual property council meeting:


Australia’s plain packaging bill for cigarettes

In this new agenda item, the Dominican Republic objected to a draft Australian law requiring cigarettes to be sold in plain packaging without logos or trademarks. The brands would be identified simply in a standard typeface with large graphic health warnings.

Australia originally notified the draft and the public consultation on it under the Technical Barriers to Trade (TBT) Agreement, in document G/TBT/N/AUS/67, which contains details of the requirements. (See also this Australian government web page, which includes images of samples of the proposed packaging.)

Support or sympathy for the Dominican Republic came from Honduras, Nicaragua, Ukraine, the Philippines, Zambia, Mexico, Cuba and Ecuador.

The Dominican Republic said it has “serious and grave” concerns that the proposed law would also violate the WTO’s intellectual property agreement and the linked Paris Convention. Among the legal concerns was that it would be a “special requirement” that would “unjustifiably” encumber the use of trademarks “in a manner detrimental to its capability to distinguish the goods or services of one undertaking from those of other undertakings” (TRIPS Article 20).

The proposed law, the Dominican Republic argued, would hurt tobacco producers in small and vulnerable economies. It would fail to reduce smoking because the lower costs of the packaging and the competition on price — the only remaining marketing tool available — would make cigarettes cheaper and encourage higher consumption. It would also make counterfeiting easier, it said. But it added that it does recognize countries’ right to protect public health.

Australia explained why the law has been proposed — as the next available step in the campaign to deal with a major and lethal health hazard. Higher excise duties and the possibility of using anti-counterfeiting labelling would make the cigarettes more expensive and prevent smuggling, it said. Australia will do this in a way that complies with its international obligations, it added.

New Zealand, Uruguay and Norway said Australia’s draft law is justified. India did not comment on the law specifically but said studies show that plain packaging does reduce smoking. India, Brazil and Cuba stressed their view that countries have the right to implement public health policies without intellectual property being an obstacle — referring directly or indirectly to the 2001 Doha Declaration on TRIPS and Public Health.

Brazil, Chile, Ecuador and China described the issue as complex, requiring balance and a closer examination. Switzerland said it understands both sides of the debate and expects Australia to abide by its TRIPS obligations.

The World Health Organization (WHO), an observer in the TRIPS Council provided information on its policies and on the WHO Framework Convention on Tobacco Control.





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About that surging jobs market

Err..

Jobs growth has slowed to a trickle, throwing into doubt budget predictions of an extra 500,000 new jobs over two years and dramatically weakening the case for an interest rate rise.

The latest figures, for May, show a trend rate of job creation of just 1,800 per month - a rate which if continued would add a mere 43,200 jobs to the economy over two years, a mere fraction of the budget projection and nowhere near enough to meet growth in the working age population.

Disturbingly, full-time jobs are in sharp decline vanishing at a trend rate of 3400 per month, a sharp turnaround on the growth of 13,000 per month at the start of the year.

The swiftness in the deterioration of the labour market has taken analysts by surprise.

The April slide of 49,000 full-time jobs reported two days after the budget was dismissed as an aberration. The May figures released yesterday revise it to an even worse loss of 57,000 full-time jobs and add on an extra 22,000 full-time jobs lost in May.

“One month does not a trend make, but two consecutive soft numbers without any feasible excuse other than a lull in demand for labour suggests softness... said RBC Capital Markets strategist Michael Turner.

The Australian dollar slid to a two-week low, slumping almost a cent to 105.88 US cents. The futures market pushed out its best guess as to the time of the next interest rate rise from November 2011 to November 2012 before reigning it back in to mid next year. It is now assigning a zero probability to a rate rise next month.

BT economist Chris Caton said the case for a rate rise was now “close to non-existent”.

“There is a wide gap between how the Bank and Treasury see the momentum of the economy and how it is perceived by many in the parishes,” he said in a note to clients. “The officials may well be right. But the ongoing strength of the the economy is now clearly an open question.”

Australia’s headline unemployment rate remained steady at 4.9 per cent but only when rounded to one decimal place in accordance with Bureau of Statistics conventions. Unrounded, the unemployment rate edged up for the first time in four months climbing from 4.86 to 4.93 per cent.

NSW has led the way down, losing 11,600 jobs in trend terms since January at a time when every other state either created jobs or stayed still.

Victoria gained 8600 jobs over the four months since January, being beaten only by Western Australia which gained 9600.

Victorian Premier Ted Baillieu said the state was doing well despite a seasonally-adjusted unemployment rate which climbed from 4.7 to 5.1 per cent.

“I’ve been at pains to say we have some cautious optimism,’’ he said. ‘‘We need to use the competitive advantages we have.’’

Treasurer Wayne Swan drew comfort from the fact that the national unemployment rate remained below 5 per cent.

“When you’ve got an unemployment rate with a four in front of it that’s still a pretty good outcome,’ he told reporters in Brisbane. “It’s very strong compared to other developed economies.”


NSW the biggest loser

New jobs since January (unemployment rate)

NSW: minus 11,600 (4.9%)
Victoria: +8600 (5.1%)
Queensland: +2500 (5.2%)
Western Australia: +9600 (4.3%)
South Australia: +6400 (5.4%)
Tasmania: steady (5.8%)

Trend jobs growth, seasonally adjusted unemployment rate

Trend jobs growth, seasonally adjusted unemployment rate


Published in today's SMH and Age


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Thursday, June 09, 2011

Unfortunate. The Australians who need insurance don't get it

Unless they're worried about dying

Insurance is hard to get if you are on a low income, unless you’re planning your funeral.

A report from the Brotherhood of St Laurence too be launched by assistant Treasurer Bill Shorten today finds most types of insurance particularly ill-suited to low income Australians, requiring big infrequent payments instead of small regular ones, imposing large excess payments, written in impenetrable language, and limited to minimum amounts that are beyond the maximum value of the possessions low income people have.

Except for funeral insurance. The payments are small and regular and it seems to be more popular the less income someone has.

Many of the 200 low income earners surveyed by the Brotherhood had funeral insurance but not home contents or car insurance, reasoning “they could eventually recover from a loss, and would prefer to ensure they were providing some security for family after their death”.

The biggest beef seems to be that with the exception of funeral insurance it is very hard to make small regular payments...

“Because the payments are big they have to compete with expenses on tangible goods such as food, or even a new TV,” said the report’s author Dominic Collins.

“All insurers should be required to accept payment through Centrelink’s Centrepay direct-debit facility which is already commonly used by essential services such as utilities.”

“And it should be collected with rent, for just a few dollars extra per fortnight, bulk purchased by housing providers.”

The study found 32 per cent of low income Australians did not insure their homes, rising to 79 per cent of very low income Australians. An “alarming” 26 per cent of very low income Australians reported owning a car but holding no vehicle insurance. Without third party property insurance they were at “severe risk” in the even of an accident.

Asked why funeral insurance appeared to be popular for people who couldn’t insure their car, Mr Collins put it down to advertising.

“Watch daytime television. It plays on the fear of being buried in a paupers grave and its advertised as being affordable. By contrast home contents ads are more of cabaret act - they are less effective.”

Published in today's Age


Reducing the Risks Insurance 2011



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There's the housing rally. And there's the Easter bunny

Lending for housing rebounded in April after falling for three successive months. But commitments remain below their level of mid last year and well below the stimulus-fuelled peak of late 2009.

The 4.8 per cent rebound follows slides of 6.8, 4.8 and 1.1 per cent.

Lending for the purchase of new houses jumped 9.4 per cent and lending for established houses 5.1 per cent.

“It would be wrong to read this as a strong number,” said Credit Suisse consultant Sean Keane. “It’s a slowing of the recent much needed downtrend.”

“The overall number of loans to owner occupiers for established dwellings is still down nearly 20,000 per month on the numbers seen in June 2009 when the first home-owners grant hit the market. On a trend basis we are still below the path that has directed activity over the past 30 years, although from the Reserve Bank’s perspective some of the slowdown is welcome.”

On Tuesday the Reserve Bank board identified “modest overall credit growth” as one of the reasons it had decided to keep interest rates on hold.

It said while business credit had expanded after a period of contraction “growth in credit to households has softened, as have housing prices.”

In April finance commitments for owner occupied houses rebounded 2.1 per cent in NSW, 4.1 per cent in Western Australia and Victoria and 6.2 per cent in Queensland, possibly because of rebuilding after the floods.

“I am inclined to view it as a modest give back after recent falls and an Easter effect,” said Westpac economist Andrew Hanlan... “The later than usual Easter may have brought forward activity in April ahead of the holiday disruption".

“To put it in context, the level of finance to owner-occupiers in April was still 5.7 per cent below the average level during the December quarter. A fall of that magnitude is broadly consistent with the historical relationship between housing finance and interest rate movements. And I am mindful that other indicators and anecdotes suggest the housing sector remains subdued.”

Loans for investment purposes fell a further 1.6 per cent in April, leaving them down 16 per cent over the year.

The proportion of first home buyers in the market fell from 16 per cent to 15.8 per cent – well below the ten year average of 18.2 per cent.

Fixed rate loans accounted for just 5.6 per cent of all loans in April, down from 6.8 per cent continuing a gradual move down over the past four months.

“It suggests variable rate borrowers are as relaxed about the prospects of an Reserve Bank rate hike as traders,” said Mr Keane. “ The average share of loans written at fixed rates has been 10 per cent since over the past decade, so at 5.6 per cent we are more relaxed than average.”

Published in today's SMH and Age


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Wednesday, June 08, 2011

Barnaby's choice (of words)

This stunned all who saw it at the time.

The transcript has just come out.

Cast you mind back to Wednesday morning June 1, just before the negative GDP number came out at 11.30 am AEST (it was to be minus 1.2 per cent).

Barnaby Joyce was grilling the Secretary to the Treasury.


Senator JOYCE: We have had a negative quarter of growth, Dr Parkinson; why is that?

Dr Parkinson: We had a negative quarter of growth in 2001; is that what you are talking about?

Senator JOYCE: Aren't we just announcing figures today that are going to show—

Senator Wong: The national accounts will be announced at 11:30.

Senator JOYCE: Sorry?

Dr Parkinson: The national accounts will be out later today.

Senator JOYCE: Everybody knows about them. I can even tell you the figure.

Dr Parkinson: If you know the figure, I am sure that the statistician will be interested to know that—

Senator JOYCE: Would you be surprised if we had a negative—

Senator Wong: Senator Joyce, he had not finished.

Dr Parkinson: because that would be a violation of the way in which—

Senator JOYCE: It was in the paper.

Dr Parkinson: It might be reported in the paper, Senator, but I—

Senator JOYCE: Well, how did it get out?

Senator Wong: Senator—

Dr Parkinson: Senator, excuse me!

Senator Wong: Chair, can the secretary finish his answers before Senator Joyce asks another question?

CHAIR: Yes. I would ignore his interjections, Dr Parkinson.

Senator Wong: Officials should not have to be in the position of ignoring interjections.

CHAIR: Please go ahead, Dr Parkinson.

Dr Parkinson: The statistician will release the national accounts later this morning.

Senator JOYCE: How is it reported in the paper? How did it get out, Dr Parkinson?

Dr Parkinson: Senator, what has got out?

Senator JOYCE: Apparently we are heading towards a negative quarter of growth, at about 0.4 per cent?

Dr Parkinson: That is your estimate, is it, Senator?

Senator JOYCE: Well, that is what is in the paper; is that right?

Dr Parkinson: Senator, I do not believe most things I read in the paper.

Senator JOYCE: It will be interesting to know around about where it is, because the question will be: how did it get out?

Dr Parkinson: Senator—

CHAIR: Senator Joyce, do you have another question? We have other senators waiting.

Dr Parkinson: Senator, you are actually making a very, very serious allegation. I do not know whether you realise it, but you are implying that somebody has leaked the national accounts. If you have any evidence, I would have thought it was incumbent upon you to report that to the AFP and the Statistician.

Senator JOYCE: Then I would report to them that they should read paper, Dr Parkinson, because that is where it is!

Dr Gruen: Senator, what are reported in the paper, at least as I have read it, are market economists' estimates of what they think will be the March quarter outcome. That has been reported in the papers on the morning of the national accounts release for as long as I have been reading these things—which is quite a long time. There are a large number of partial indicators that have already been published; for instance, the balance of payments was published yesterday. There are a large number of partial indicators that enable market economists to make an educated guess of what they think the national accounts will be. There are a range of estimates. Many of those, as you correctly state, are that real GDP will have fallen in the March quarter; that is all true. That is different from saying, as we have taken you to say, that the papers report on what the national accounts will be. They simply report on what private market economists are estimating will be the national accounts for the March quarter.

Dr Parkinson: And, if you read the papers in the week or the two weeks beforehand you will see quite a number of estimates, as market economists change their own forecasts for what they expect to see in the national accounts. But I go back to my point: if you believe the national accounts have been leaked, I think that is a very serious issue and I would urge you to raise with it with the Statistician and with the AFP.


Did he go to the AFP?

Do they know his information was wrong?


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Reserve poised, however gentle its language

The Reserve Bank remains ready to push up interest rates despite using softer language in a statement released at the end of a board meeting that decided to keep rates steady for the seventh consecutive month.

The statement released by Reserve Bank governor Glenn Stevens said the current “mildly restrictive stance of monetary policy” remained appropriate.

Inflation would be “close to target over the next twelve months”.

The Australian dollar slid half a cent to 106.90 US cents as traders took the mildly-worded statement to mean any increase in rates was some time off.

But its words are not in conflict with Reserve Bank forecasts published last month that have inflation moving to the top of its target band next year unless it takes action.

“I still expect the next rate rise in July or August and four increased by mid-2012,” said former Reserve Bank economist Paul Bloxham who is now chief economist at HSBC Australia.

“The post-board statement is the least useful of the Bank’s publications, partly because it is so short. It is not wise to read too much into the language”...

“The Bank is watching the data and needs to assess whether the recent softer economic patch is just temporary. Our central view is that it is just temporary.”

Treasurer Wayne Swan said the reprieve was “welcome relief for many Australian families and small business doing it tough, with some parts of our patchwork economy struggling”.

Shadow Treasurer Joe Hockey said it was “a moment of respite for Australian families, but only that – a moment”.

“Unless the government follows the advice of the coalition and claws back significantly on spending then there will continue to be upward pressure on inflation and upward pressure on interest rates.”

The statement singled out the government for taking pressure off rates, saying “the impetus from earlier government spending programs is now also abating, as had been intended”.

The floods and cyclone had dented economic growth and the resumption of coal production was taking longer than expected but over the medium term the Bank expected economic growth “at trend or higher”.

Wage growth had returned to “rates seen prior to the downturn” but growth in employment had slowed and credit growth remained modest. Outside the resources sector investment intentions had been revised down.

CommSec economist Craig James said the bank had described “the Goldilocks’ economy – not too hot, not too cold but just right.”

“It might have taken a step back from lifting rates,” he said. “Making only a few, largely cosmetic, changes to its interest rate statement shows it is not in a rush to move in any direction.”

Published in today's SMH and Age


Rates will rise, the question is when

The market sliced half a cent off the dollar within minutes of the Reserve Bank’s announcement that it was keeping rates on hold.

It might have been wiser to leave the dollar high.

The statement says inflation will be “close to target” over the next twelve months.

The market took that to mean ‘not a problem’ - nothing that would worry the Bank.

But the Bank’s forecast beyond that remains for inflation to climb outside of its target zone.

As soon as there are signs that’s about to happen the Bank will push up rates.

Rates are steady for now but the Bank’s bias is to tighten.

The next move will be up. That what the Reserve Bank’s position before today’s board meeting and it remains its position after it. The only thing we don’t know is when.

Published in Tuesday's BusinessDay



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At last, an end to cheap wine?

Let's hope.

Health Minister Nicola Roxon has signed off on a plan to develop a nationwide minimum floor price for alcohol in a move that could quadruple the price of cheap cask wine.

The newly established National Preventive Health Agency has been asked to “develop the concept” as part of a strategic plan approved by the minister but yet to be approved by her state counterparts.

The interim chief executive of the Agency Rhonda Galbally told The Herald that while she isn’t at liberty to reveal everything that is in the strategic plan approved by the minister she is prepared to confirm that it includes developing the concept of a uniform alcohol floor price that would apply nationwide.

The floor price would operate separately from alcohol tax and would make illegal for any retailer to sell alcohol below a certain price per standard drink, allowing retailers and manufacturers to share any extra profit that accrued.

The prices of most drinks including beer would be unaffected as they are already above the likely floor price.

In Alice Springs where Prime Minister Gillard has been visiting indigenous town camps Dr John Boffa of the Central Australian Aboriginal Health Congress welcomed the move but said the Territory shouldn’t wait years for the result of Ms Roxon’s review...

“We can cut self-harm, cut suicides and cut homicides by doing it now,” he said.

Dr Boffa wants a floor price of $1.20 per standard drink, about the price of a full-strength beer - well above the 30 cents per drink price of cheap cask wine.

“It would send a simple message - the price of beer won’t change, the price of spirits won’t change because there are no spirits currently sold at less than $1.20 even when discounted, but what would change is the price of awful cask wine that no-one other than young people and heavy drinkers go near.”

Northern Territory chief minister Paul Henderson was yesterday unconvinced telling a joint press conference with the Prime Minister he wanted to first examine the effect of sales restrictions due to come into force on July 1.

Published in today's SMH and Age


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Tuesday, June 07, 2011

We are trying to manage CO2, we can't even manage fish


Informationisbeautiful prepared this for The Guardian:


Biomass of popularly eaten fish






Weep. In his book The Plundered Planet Paul Collier makes the point that overfishing should be the easiest of all global co-operation problems.

You can download his 82 minute LSE lecture here. We all want fish.


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Monday, June 06, 2011

Tax Pack - the disaster that actually frightened away taxpayers

It was meant to empower us

Tax Pack was a disaster for the Tax Office. Introduced two decades ago in order to empower ordinary Australians to prepare their own tax returns rather than using agents, the magazine-style document did the exact opposite.

Ahead of the new tax year Commissioner Michael D'Ascenzo has told a Senate hearing the package led to an increase rather than a decrease in the number of people using accountants to prepare their returns. The agents themselves were partly to blame.

“In the very first edition of Tax Pack we used plain English terms,” he told the Senate. “And there were a lot of complaints from professional bodies that the plain English terms were not precise. We started to use precise terms and what happened since then was a spike of people moving from doing their own returns to using tax agents.”

“Basically what we found is you can bamboozle ordinary taxpayers by trying to be too legalistic and trying to cover every situation.”

The introduction of e-tax where much of the details are hidden behind links on computer screens and has reversed the phenomenon.

“From a high of 75 per cent of individual returns going to tax agents, we are now down at around 71 per cent,” Commissioner D'Ascenzo said...

This year more data from employers, banks and share registries will already be “pre-filled” on electronic tax returns meaning much of the work for people using the system will already be done.

“We are encouraging organisations to send data to us earlier than they are legally required to,” said first assistant tax commissioner Sue Sinclair. “Most of the data we receive from banks and other institutions is made available within 24 hours, so pre-filling is ready to go much closer to the tax time starting gate.”

This year for the first time taxpayers using e-tax will receive pre-filled data from Centrelink relating to paid parental leave and eligibility for the education tax refund.

Ms Sinclair said this year the Office would pilot pre-filling information about share sales “to remind taxpayers about capital gains tax events which may have occurred during the year”.

A record 7.9 million web users used pre-filled data provided by the Tax Office rather than providing their own in 2010, an increase of 13 per cent. Most would have been tax agents, “a strong indication that most agents now use the pre-filling service as part of their everyday practice”.

Ms Sinclair said the computer problems that plagued the Tax Office in early 2010 were in the past. The system was now issuing more returns each month than ever before.

Published in today's SMH and Age


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The impact of the carbon tax will be how small?

For mining, it won't even touch the sides

The impact of the carbon tax on the mining industry will be “trivial” - so small that for practical purposes it will be “invisible,” according to one of Australia’s leading labour market economists.

Professor Bruce Chapman is president of the Economic Society of Australia and director of policy at the Australian National University’s Crawford school of government.

In a report released this morning entitled How many jobs is 23,510 really? he attempts to put into perspective a claim by the Minerals Council that a carbon trading system would cut by around 24,000 people the number than would be employed in the mining industry.

“Something like 370,000 people every month go from not having a job to having a job, and something like 365,000 people every month do the opposite,” he told the Herald.

“That’s the change every month. The Minerals Council has projected its change over a period of ten years.”

“The additional outflow would be 5 people for every 10,000 who would have left in the month anyway. I am happy to call that invisible. I was going to draw a graph of it for the report but I couldn’t - you can’t draw a graph because the effect is too tiny.”

“What it says is the carbon price debate should have nothing to do with job loss figures. The labour market issue should be seen to be irrelevant. It is not interesting, it is not something we should spend any further effort analysing"...

The report prepared for the Australia Institute also challenges the assumption that any mining workers who did lose their jobs would fall into unemployment.

Using data from the household income and labour dynamics survey Professor Chapman finds that in the previous mining boom an enormous 26 per cent of mining industry employees left the industry each year.

“On average around 36 per cent of people employed in mining are inflows, having arrived that year. Around 26 per cent are outflows - they won’t be there the next year,” he said.

“This extraordinary mobility suggests strongly that any supposed job losses would be dwarfed by natural attrition.”

The seven-year longitudinal study finds that workers leaving mining almost always go to other jobs.

“Nobody who left mining after 2001 was unemployed when observed a year later,” the report says. “The vast majority of those leaving mining sector employment were employed in other jobs in all the years following.”

“When you talk about job losses people think about about jobs actually being cut whereas the industry is talking about jobs that would not be created. You also think about people being sacked and going into long-term unemployment and becoming destitute. In the mining industry that is not correct,” Professor Chapman said.

The report says the misuse of big-sounding jobs claims to describe very small effects is widespread.

“As an example the release of the Murray Darling Basin Plan encouraged assessments of direct job in the range of around 3,500 to 12,000. The Climate Institute has claimed that a shift in production towards cleaner energy will result in around 34,000 net new jobs in the Australian power sector by 2030,” the report says. “Obviously the issue relates to both sides of the carbon price debate.”

On Thursday before the Senate economics committee Treasury chief economist David Gruen defended the department’s decision to model the carbon tax assuming no change in the unemployment rate saying over the long term much bigger economic shocks had been shown to make no change to employment rates.

Published in today's SMH and Age

Recasting the Mining Job Loss Debate



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Friday, June 03, 2011

Friday lunch times I'm at the school chess club



Cool, eh?
Read more >>

Never mind the downturn, look at the future - Parkinson


The head of the Treasury has relegated the March quarter economic downturn to the past saying Australia is about to enter a boom that should last decades propelled by high export prices, enhanced mining capacity and a once-in-a-century global realignment.

The Australian dollar is unlikely to go back to where it was, and manufacturing will shrink in importance to the economy, perhaps even faster than it has been.

Speaking to Senators as official statistics were released showing a rebound in coal and iron ore exports and an uptick in consumer spending Martin Parkinson said Treasury had always expected the March quarter downturn reported Wednesday, although it had been “marginally larger” than it predicted.

There was nothing in the Wednesday’s news to change its view that the March and June quarters would be weak followed by “a strong rebound with very positive growth prospects in 2011-12 and 2012-13”.

There had been a lot of “extravagant claims” about the impact of a carbon price.

Those claims did not stand up to scrutiny.

Around $380 billion of mining investment was already underway or committed over the next five years.

In the coming year $83 billion would be invested in enhanced mining capacity, up from $51 billion in the financial year about to end.

It was being driven by “an expectation of continued very strong growth in demand for commodities worldwide - we are talking about China, India and a range of other countries that are rapidly improving the living standards of their people”.

“Because those projects are for mines that will exist for 20, 30, 40 even 50 years, they will not be knocked off course by short-term disruptions,” he said...

Treasury chief economist David Gruen told the Senate committee that while Australia’s record high commodity prices might fall back somewhat in coming decades “our assumption is the next 10 years don’t look like the past 10 years: we think the Australian economy is in the midst of a long-lived change”.

The exchange rate would not be going back to its long-run historical average “any time soon”.

The figures released as the Treasury secretary spoke showed iron ore exports rebounding 3.8 per cent in April on top of an 18 per cent recovery in March. Coal exports improved a further 1.4 per cent after rebounding 14 per cent in March. The retail spending figures purported to show a 1.1 per cent bounce back in April, but a large chunk of that was due to an unlikely 21 per cent jump in spending on shoes in Victoria, suggesting the results of the sample survey should be treated with caution.

While mining was part of Australia’s economic transformation Dr Parkinson found the “whole discussion about the importance of mining quite bizarre”.

“Mining is 8 per cent of gross domestic product,” he told the hearing. “It’s a very important 8 per cent, but there’s a very important 92 per cent of GDP which is out there which for some reason we have stopped talking about.”

All parts of Australia’s economy would be transformed as it retooled itself to sell to a Asian middle class that would become bigger than that the United States bringing on an “acceleration in the long term decline in the importance of manufacturing”.

Although the Treasury Secretary would not “draw a direct link between climate change and the things we have seen over this summer,” it was inevitable that the budget would face greater pressure in the future from climate related events such as “bush fires or flooding or damage to infrastructure”.

Published in today's SMH and Age


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Industrial chaos. Not. Yet.

The apparent upswing in industrial disputes is yet to show up in the official figures with the latest total - for the March quarter - the lowest in four years.

The Australian Bureau of Statistics compilation released yesterday identifies just 37 industrial disputes in the three months to March, well down on the 70 in the three months to December and the 54 in the previous March quarter.

The total is lowest since June 2007.

In the year to March just 53,800 workers were involved in industrial disputes, the lowest number for any 12-month period since December 2007.

Around 117,000 working days were lost in the 12 months, the lowest number since the year to March 2008.

None of the working days lost were in mining or manufacturing. Almost all were in the construction or transport, postal and warehousing industries.

The Treasury’s head of macroeconomics David Gruen told a Canberra hearing that while Treasury kept an eye on industrial disputes it was so far unconcerned...

“We monitor what is going on in the industrial relations arena and I guess ultimately what matters is outcomes rather than necessarily the process by which they are achieved,” he said.

“I think it is fair to say that wage growth slowed considerably during the global financial crisis and is now around where you would expect given that we are close to full employment.”

“The pleasing sign is the flexibility we are seeing where we are getting significantly different outcomes depending on the sector.”

“We are seeing quite strong wage growth in mining and quite moderate wage growth in retail trade. It is a sign of a labour market operating in a way that is consistent with more efficient labour allocation across the economy.”

“The future may hold surprises for us, but so far we think things are working as we would want.”

Published in today's SMH and Age


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Thursday, June 02, 2011

A GDP one-off? You'd want to hope so

Swan's confident

Australia suffered its biggest economic collapse in 20 years in the three months to March as severe weather shrank national income 1.2 per cent - a reverse not seen since recession “we had to have” at the start of the 1990s.

The contraction pushed Australia toward the bottom of the developed nation pack it used to lead and put talk of an interest rate hike on hold.

Australia's annual growth rate is now just 1 per cent, well below the 1.8 per cent recorded in the United Kingdom, the 2.3 per cent in the United States and the 2.5 per cent throughout Europe.

“What is clear is this: if the mining boom has a cough the Australian economy can suffer pneumonia,” said Coalition Treasury spokesman Joe Hockey. “The economy is increasingly reliant on the mining boom.”

Treasurer Wayne Swan said he was certain the drop would be a one-off, meaning Australia would avoid the two consecutive quarters of negative growth commonly described as a recession.

“I think there will be a strong rebound. Just as we took a hit of a bit over 1 per cent, I’d expect a rebound somewhere of that order,” he told the Herald

“You’re beginning to see it now in some of the data. Coal exports picked up in April. If you start to move around my home state you start to see it a bit more now.”

Coal and iron ore exports slumped 27 per cent during the quarter and coal and iron ore production slid 5.3 per cent. Treasury expects a further 2.5 per cent slide this quarter. Farm production slid 0.6 per cent with Treasury expecting a further 0.6 per cent as a result of the floods.

Treasury believes the Queensland cyclone, the floods in Queensland, northern NSW and Victoria and and the earthquakes in Japan and New Zealand between them wiped 1.7 per cent off Australian GDP, meaning without the disasters growth would have been positive.

The 1.2 per cent dive is deeper than the 0.9 per cent recorded in the global financial crisis and almost as deep as the 1.3 per cent dive recorded during the early 1990s recession.

Only during the oil crisis of the mid 1970s did the economy contract significantly faster.

The slide calls into doubt the forecasts the Reserve Bank used to back up its warnings of the need for higher interest rates. It last month forecast economic growth of 2.5 per cent over the year to June, and outcome that could now only be achieved with an implausibly large 2.9 per cent rebound in the June quarter.

“It will now be very difficult, from a public relations point of view, for the Bank to deliver soon on its clear intention to raise rates,” said Westpac chief economist Bill Evans.

Eight of Australia’s 19 industry sectors went backwards in the quarter, with sharp reverses in agriculture, mining and manufacturing outweighing smaller gains in retail, health care and construction.

Household disposable income climbed 3.6 per cent but consumer spending increased only 0.6 per cent as households squirrelled away rather than spent most of their extra income lifting their saving rate to an unusually high 11.5 per cent - the highest since the financial crisis and a peak not otherwise seen for 25 years.


Mr Swan said the caution was “partially a result of what people read about the international economy, and partially a consequence of the fact that our two most significant trading partners had very significant natural disasters.”

“We know that people have cash and people are consuming, but they are also saving,” he said. “The heartening thing is that outside of the exports sector, there is a degree of solid strength.”

Published in today's SMH


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Wednesday, June 01, 2011

Please, put a floor under cigarette and alcohol prices

Wednesday column

So Cate Blanchett is a bad look for an advertising campaign. I can think of a worse one: Piles and piles of $100 bills parading themselves as reasons why we should feel warm towards tobacco companies.

As an exercise in winning us over the mobile billboards picturing the stacks of money British American Tobacco says it will use to take on the government when it legislates for plain packaging are sad rather than persuasive.

That an industry once so tuned in to the psyche of Australians (and schoolboys - I remember) should be reduced to threats against a government with far more lawyers, far more billions, much more power, the support of the Opposition and much more legitimacy than it will ever have speaks volumes about how the world around it has changed.

If piles of money had been the chief tactic adopted by the mining industry it would be facing the originally-designed super profits tax forevermore.

But amid the pathos of a once-mighty industry boxing from memory lies an impressive idea.

The head of British American Tobacco in Australia David Crow set the ball rolling. He said with nothing but price left to compete on manufacturers would cut cigarette prices until they were perhaps only half what they are today.

Cheap prices "basically means more people will smoke - more kids will smoke,” he said, in an implicit acknowledgement that would be a bad thing, and also an implicit acknowledgment that he and his mates have been overcharging by a wide margin.

Anti-smoking campaigners responded by saying the government could react by increasing the tobacco excise. But that wouldn’t directly address the problem Crow identifies. The increases would come into force after the event and would do nothing to stop shops selling cigarettes as loss-leaders below cost as Coles and Woolworths tried to do earlier this year with beer.

The cigarette manufacturers might even help them if they saw it as a way to stay in business.

And it is low prices, not low excise that does the damage...

US economist Gary Becker won the 1992 Nobel Prize in part for his revolutionary development of the theory of rational addiction. It had previously been thought that addicts were not much influenced by price because they were hooked. Becker suggested instead that addicts rationally decided to be become hooked, often on the basis of price, and could rationally decide to to give up, also on the basis of price so long as they thought a new price would last.

Measurements to support the theory suggest that a 10 per cent increase in the price of cigarettes cuts sales by about 4 per cent, a 10 per cent increase in the price of alcohol cuts sales by around 5 per cent.

Because a lot of the heavy drinking is done at low price points and lot of the take up of smoking is done by at low price points, an increase in the minimum prices is likely to have a much more powerful effect than an increase in the average price.

Even better the payoff from increasing the minimum price is extraordinarily steep.

The University of Sheffield has told the Scottish government a minimum retail price of 25 pence per unit of alcohol would cut consumption 0.2 per cent; a minimum price of 35 pence would cut consumption 1.3 per cent, and a minimum price of 55 pence an extraordinary 10 per cent.

In September Scotland began legislating for a minimum price of 45 pence per unit of alcohol, in whatever form it was sold. Completely separate from and unrelated to alcohol taxation the law will make it illegal to sell alcohol cheaply. It will make no difference to the price of most drinks, and according to the UK Institute for Fiscal Studies supermarket chains stand to net the supermarket chains an enormous windfall as they are forced to pocket the benefit of low prices they would otherwise have passed on.

University of Aberdeen researchers reckon alcohol manufacturers will make more money too, while selling less product.

In Australia alcohol is sold for about half that. For as little as $10 a poor or desperate addict can obliterate themselves with a cask containing 30 standard drinks.

The steamlined system of alcohol taxation recommended by the Henry Review would help, but in the meantime and as a backup the obvious solution is to quickly impose a minimum price of at least double the effective minimum now and to impose a minimum price per stick of tobacco as well.

In Canada the University of Victoria has proposed a minimum price of $1.50 per standard drink sold in shops and $3.00 per standard drink sold in restaurants and bars, reviewed annually and indexed to the rate of inflation.

When a different method of restricting alcohol consumption was trialled in Tennant Creek in 1995 a university study found it cut sales 19 per cent, cut hospital admissions for alcohol-related conditions 29 per cent, cut admissions to the women’s shelter, and turned pay-day Thursday from one of the busiest days in the police lockup to the second quietest.

A legislated minimum price would be an act of humanity.

Christopher Pyne seemed to suspect to so. Quietly in 2006 the then assistant minister for Health and Aging in the Howard government commissioned the Flinders University National Centre for Education and Training on Addiction to conduct a feasibility study.

Letters went out addressed to “Dear Hotel, Bar Club and Liquor Industry Staff” in 2008 after the government had changed.

When I and another journalist got wind of the proposal the newly elected Labor health minister Nicola Roxon disowned it saying Labor had no plans to introduce a floor price.

She has since returned to the idea and this time the Australian National Preventive Health Agency will size it up.

It’s about time.

Published in today's SMH and Age



Feasibility Study on Setting a Floor Price on Alcohol Products

“Dear Hotel, Bar, Club and Liquor Industry Staff,

The National Centre for Education and Training on Addiction (NCETA) has been
contracted by the Australian Government Department of Health and Ageing to
conduct a feasibility study on setting a floor price for alcohol products.

This study is being conducted nationally to determine if state and territory
governments, working in conjunction with liquor licensing bodies, can
introduce a floor price to control high-risk alcohol consumption.

For the purposes of this study, an alcohol floor price is defined “as a
minimum fixed price per standard drink applied to all alcohol products in
Australia.

Please note that an alcohol floor price is not a synonym for an increased
levy or tax on alcohol. It is a distinct and unique strategy.

A key strategy that is being used to inform the feasibility study is
obtaining input from relevant stakeholders in the community.

I would like to invite you and/or your organisation, as an important
stakeholder, to make a written submission on the feasibility of setting a
floor price for alcohol products.

An electronic version of the submission package can be downloaded from the
NCETA website at http://www.nceta.flinders.edu.au.

Enquiries about the submission process can be made directly to Allan
Trifonoff, Deputy Director (Programs) on 08 8201 7511.

The deadline for submissions is: 5.00 pm EST, 22 September 2008. Electronic
submissions are preferred and should be forwarded to nceta@flinders.edu.au.

We look forward to receiving your input on this important matter. Thank you
in advance for your time and consideration.”




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GDP Minus 1.2% March Quarter, Plus 1% year to March

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GDP Negative. The damage here at 11.30am

Barnaby thinks we already know. No joke.

Australia's economy has been clobbered by a stunning collapse in export earnings in the March quarter, all but ending any prospect of interest rates rising in the next few months.

In the biggest reversal since the 1970s, export volumes dived by 9 per cent for the quarter, mainly due to the impact of summer’s natural disasters on shipments of coal and other natural resources.

Minerals and energy exports slumped by 14 per cent, and coal exports by 27 per cent.

The figures were worse than expected, and have firmed up predictions that national accounts figures to be released today will show the economy contracted in the March quarter.

Separate figures showing a drop in building approvals in April and falling house prices are pointing to more gloom in the June quarter.

Treasurer Wayne Swan was almost apologetic in Parliament over the export figures, saying the impact of the January natural disasters had been “somewhat larger than the Treasury initially estimated”.

This month’s federal the budget included a prediction by Treasury that the disasters would cut 0.75 per cent from the nation’s economic growth.

But Mr Swan said yesterday the March quarter export collapse would cut around 2.4 per cent from growth in the quarter — the largest quarterly hit on growth since at least the September quarter of 1959.

Estimates of the March quarter national accounts figure turned sharply negative. The median forecast among market economists changed from a 0.4 per cent contraction in the economy to a contraction of 1.1 per cent — which would be the worst quarterly figure since the early 1990s recession...

The ANZ and Commonwealth banks are forecasting a GDP figure of minus 1.5 per cent, Westpac minus-1.0 per cent, and the National Australia Bank minus 0.3 per cent.

The forecasts imply full-year economic growth of just 1 per cent, which would be worse than the figures recorded during the global financial crisis.

Before yesterday’s export figures, financial markets were pricing in a slim chance of an interest rate hike when the Reserve Bank board meets next Tuesday. Now they are pricing in a zero probability of a rise at that meeting, and a negligible probability until November.

“The risk of a near-term rate hike has been snuffed out,” said CommSec economist Craig James. “So unquestionably poor is the news it raises real doubts about the true state of the Australian economy.”

“The Reserve Bank holds to the belief that the economy will rebound later in the year, but you don’t get a sense of that from the data.”

Separately-released statistics on building approvals showed residential approvals down 1.3 per cent in April, led by a 3.5 per cent slide in approvals for houses. It was the fifth fall in six months.

Excluding Queensland, where rebuilding is underway after the January floods and cyclone Yasi, new dwelling approvals fell by 5.6 per cent.

The RP Data-Rismark home value index showed that the value of capital city homes fell more than 1 per cent in the three months to April, with prices in Sydney down 0.5 per cent, Melbourne prices down 0.8 per cent and Perth and Brisbane down 3 and 3.1 per cent.

RP Data research director Tim Lawless said the most expensive suburbs dragged the market down, losing 5.4 per cent of their value in the past 12 months. Prices in the cheapest suburbs hardly moved.
Reserve Bank data yesterday also showed that credit activity was flat in April, with demand from business and personal loans, aside from mortgages, declining.

The March quarter national accounts figures will be released at 11.30am today.

Published in today's Age and SMH


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Tuesday, May 31, 2011

Garnaut. The final report.


It's on line now


Introduction

I was explaining to the Multi-Party Climate Change Committee early in 2011 how I had worked out the costs and benefits of reducing emissions for the 2008 Review. The costs of reducing emissions will come straightaway.

The benefits of reducing damage from climate change will come later—many of them to later generations of Australians. In fact there will be more and more benefits for later and later generations. So I needed a way of comparing the value of income to Australians who are alive right now with incomes of young Australians later in their lives and Australians who are not yet born. ‘So we had to choose the right discount rate’, I said. ‘We can’t use the discount rates that determine values in the share market, because they take into account risks of a kind that are not relevant here.’

I got the feeling that the mention of discount rates had set Prime Minister Gillard’s mind towards what she would say to Hillary Clinton about Afghanistan, Bob Brown’s to the grandeur of the Styx Valley, and Tony Windsor’s to the good rain that was falling on the Northern Tablelands.

But then I said something that brought back the prime minister’s attention:

‘If we used the share market’s discount rate to value the lives of future
Australians’, I said, ‘and if we knew that doing something would give lots of
benefits now but would cause the extinction of our species in half a century,
the calculations would tell us to do it.’

The beginnings of a smile on her face became a hearty laugh.
‘You’ve got us there, Ross’, she said, as the others were infected by the
lift in spirits and joined the laughter. ‘That’s a unanimous decision of the
committee. We’re all against the extinction of the human species.’

The 2008 Garnaut Climate Change Review compared the costs and
benefits of Australia taking action to reduce the damage of climate change
caused by humans. It concluded that it was in Australia’s national interest to
do its fair share in a strong global effort to mitigate climate change.

The 2008 Review accepted the central judgments from the mainstream
science about the effects of changes in greenhouse gas concentrations in the
atmosphere on temperature, and about the effects of temperature changes on
climate and the physical earth. I formed the view that the mainstream science
was right ‘on a balance of probabilities’, and that errors were as likely to be
in the direction of understatement of damage to human society as in the
direction of overstatement.

I used the results of the science to model the impacts of climate change
on the Australian economy, including impacts on agricultural productivity,
our terms of trade, and infrastructure. The model included links to the global
economy and was based on Australia doing its fair share in a global effort to
reduce the damage from climate change.

The modelling showed that the growth rate for Australian national
income in the second half of the 21st century would be higher with mitigation
than without. The present value of the market benefits this century fell just
short of the value of the costs of mitigation policy. However, when we took
account of the value of Australians’ lives beyond the 21st century, the value of
our natural and social heritage, health and other things that weren’t measured
in the economic modelling, and the value of insuring against calamitous
change, strong mitigation was clearly in the national interest.

New developments

And so we come to today. The purpose of this book is to examine how
developments in science, diplomacy, political culture and the economy have
affected the national interest case for Australian climate change action.
Since the 2008 Review, the science of climate change has been
subjected to intense scrutiny and has come through with its credibility
intact. The findings continue to be sobering. Unfortunately, new data and
analysis generally are confirming the likelihood that outcomes will be near
the midpoints or closer to the bad end of what had earlier been identified
as the range of possibilities for human-induced climate change.

Global average temperatures have continued to track a warming
trend. The year 2010 ranked with 2005 and 1998 as the warmest on
record, with global average temperatures 0.53°C above the 1961–90
mean. For Australia, 2009 was the second-warmest year on record and the
decade ending in 2010 has easily been Australia’s warmest since record
keeping began.

I noted in the 2008 Review the curious Australian tendency for dissenters
from the mainstream science to assert that there is no upward trend in
temperatures, or that if there had been a warming trend it has ceased or
moved into reverse. Such assertions were prominent in some newspapers
and blogs, but also appeared in serious policy discussions. The assertions
were curious because the question of whether the earth is warming or not is
amenable to statistical analysis.

It so happens that answering questions of this kind comes with the
professional kitbag of economists who work on statistical analysis of series
of data that cover periods of time. For the 2008 Review, I asked two leading
Australian econometricians who are specialists in this area, Trevor Breusch
and Fashid Vahid, to analyse the data on temperature. Their conclusion was
clear. There is a statistically significant warming trend, and it did not end in
1998 or in any other year. I had the analysis repeated with three more years of
data for this book, with the same conclusions.

New observations of a changing climate include an increase in extreme
weather events. The Black Saturday fires in Victoria in 2009 and recent major
cyclones in Queensland are both consistent with expected outcomes in a warming
world, although we cannot draw conclusions about direct cause and effect.
Other studies since 2008 have confirmed that Australia is also seeing
historically unprecedented periods of wet and of dry in different areas of
the continent.

Globally, rising sea levels continue to track the upper levels of
modelling. Considerable debate is under way about the causes and potential
extent of sea-level rise. The latest research suggests that, beyond the effects
of thermal expansion, the melting of the great icesheets of Greenland and
West Antarctica may contribute much more than was previously thought
to sea-level rise. The debate is unresolved but oriented towards higher not
lower outcomes.

New research has also contributed to our understanding of ‘tipping
points’ in the climate system. These are points at which warming of the climate
triggers irreversible damage and a feedback loop for further warming. The
new research has focused on identifying and testing potential early warning
indicators of an approaching tipping point.

Progress has also been made on ruling out other possible causes of
warming, such as changes in the amount of solar radiation reaching the
earth. Scientists have identified ‘fingerprints’ of warming that confirm human
influence. A primary example is the pattern of warming in the layers of the
atmosphere. Under increased greenhouse gas scenarios, climate models
predict that the lowest layer of the atmosphere (the troposphere) should
warm, while the next layer up (the stratosphere) should cool. This has been
confirmed by recent observation. If increased output from the sun were the
cause, both layers could be expected to warm. These developments and more
are examined in Chapter 1.

Since 2008, advances in climate change science have therefore broadly
confirmed that the earth is warming, that human activity is the cause of it
and that the changes in the physical world are likely, if anything, to be more
harmful than the earlier science had suggested. This has led me to shift my
judgment about the reputable science from being right ‘on a balance of
probabilities’ to ‘beyond reasonable doubt’.

Chapter 2 focuses on likely amounts of greenhouse gas emissions in the
absence of mitigation. It examines the effect on emissions of the big global
economic developments following the global financial crisis—the Great Crash
of 2008.
Emissions under business as usual are on a somewhat lower trajectory in
the developed countries, mainly as a result of the loss of growth momentum
after the Great Crash. This is roughly balanced in the period to 2030 by
continued strong growth in the developing countries.

The result is a global emissions trajectory in the event of business as
usual that is little changed from 2008, but is constitutionally very different.
The share of emissions growth attributed to large developing nations like
China and India has grown as developed countries’ growth has shrunk.

Australia is an exception among the developed countries. Following
the Great Crash, Australia’s rich endowment of natural resources has helped
fuel the outstanding growth in the large developing countries. The resulting
high terms of trade project a strong growth performance based around high
levels of investment in mines, including for coal and gas. The projection
of Australia’s emissions trajectory without mitigation to 2020 has grown to
24 per cent above 2000 levels—4 per cent above the levels expected in
2007—despite new policy measures in the intervening years.

The shift of the centre of gravity of growth towards developing
countries is wonderful for human wellbeing so long as we can manage the
consequence: that mitigation becomes more difficult. By 2030, the average
income in developing economies will be slightly more than a quarter of that
of the United States. The potential for further catch-up growth in incomes
and emissions is stark.

However, there has been a major positive development. The world has
already moved considerably beyond the business-as-usual case described
above. Chapter 3 examines important developments in the global framework
for action that give hope of holding global emissions to levels that avoid
dangerous climate change.

The 2009 Copenhagen and 2010 Cancun conferences of the United
Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change led to an important
new direction in global mitigation policy. The diplomatic fiasco of the
Copenhagen conference disguised a breakthrough new agreement that
addressed the great failing of the Kyoto Protocol. It incorporated mitigation
targets for the United States and the large developing economies, notably
China. All countries also agreed to contain global warming within 2°C.

The Copenhagen agreement had its weaknesses. The new targets were
voluntary, not ruled by legal obligation and delayed the prospect of the
trading of carbon permits between countries. But they did establish a new
‘pledge and review’ system that included new mechanisms for measuring
and tracking emissions.

The meeting at Cancun consolidated and extended the new agreement,
as well as the mitigations targets pledged by developed and developing
countries.

The pledged targets of all countries that play substantial roles in
global emissions are evaluated in Chapter 4. The ranges for the United
States, the European Union and Japan together correspond to entitlements
for the early stages of a moderately ambitious—if not strong—global
agreement. On average, developed countries’ pledged 2020 targets are
somewhat less ambitious than are needed to hold the concentration of
greenhouse gases in the atmosphere to 550 parts per million (ppm) of
carbon dioxide equivalent.

For developing countries, targets are measured not in absolute
reductions but in reductions in emissions intensity. The modified contraction
and convergence framework described in the 2008 Review implied a targeted
reduction in China’s emissions intensity of 35 per cent between 2005 and
2020 if global concentrations of carbon dioxide were to be limited to 450
ppm. At Copenhagen and Cancun, China pledged to reduce its carbon
intensity by 40 to 45 per cent between 2005 and 2020.

China has already achieved considerable success in the implementation
of its pledged targets with sweeping regulatory actions in energy and
innovation. Chinese leaders have been pleasantly surprised at the pace and
cost of change and are growing in confidence that they will later be in a
position to offer more aggressive pledges still.

In this new world of concerted unilateral action, countries closely
examine each other’s efforts to confirm that each is contributing its fair
share. Freeloading may contribute in only a small way to overshooting
global targets, but it threatens the entire global effort as all countries look to
one another for reassurance that the pledged progress is being made.

Solutions

So, developments in science, global emissions profiles and shifts in the
structure of global climate change agreements have all strengthened the
national interest case for a stronger Australian mitigation effort.

What domestic policy response should we take? Once we know what
our fair share is in the global effort to reduce greenhouse gas emissions, we
can work out how to do it at lowest cost. This exercise was undertaken in
detail and with great care for the 2008 Review. There are two basic approaches
to achieving the required emissions reduction: a market-based approach, built
around putting a price on carbon emissions; and a regulatory approach, or
direct action.

In the market-based approach, carbon can be priced in two ways. Fixedprice
schemes, or carbon taxes, set the price and the market decides how
much it will reduce the quantity of emissions. Floating price schemes set the
quantity of emissions and permits to emit are issued up to that amount. The
permits are tradeable between businesses and so the market sets the price.
There are various hybrid approaches that combine fixed prices for a period
with floating later on, and floating prices at some price levels with a price
floor or a price ceiling or both.

In the alternative route, regulation or direct action, there are many ways
that government can intervene to direct firms and households to go about
their business and their lives. The Chinese Government’s direct action includes
issuing instructions for factories with high emissions to close, subsidising
consumers who buy low-emissions products like solar electricity panels and
electric cars, and restricting new investment in industries judged to have
undesirably high emissions.

Chapter 5 explores these options and argues for a three-year fixed
carbon price followed by a carbon trading scheme with a floating price.
This confirms the approach proposed in the 2008 Review for circumstances
similar to those in which we now find ourselves. This is Australia’s
best path forward towards full and effective participation in humanity’s
efforts to reduce the dangers of climate change without damaging Australian
prosperity.

One distinct advantage of addressing climate change mitigation through
a market-based carbon price is that it raises considerable revenues. These
can be used to buffer the transition to a low-carbon economy for Australian
households on low and middle incomes, as well as to offer security to the
most vulnerable low-income households.

A carbon price of $26 will raise approximately $11.5 billion in the first
year and rise over time. Efficiency and equity objectives would be best served
by allocating the majority of this revenue to households, perhaps modelled
on the kind of tax and social security reforms envisioned in the Henry review.

At the same time, slices of this revenue should also be used to support
innovation in low-emissions industries, provide incentives for biosequestration
in rural Australia and prevent export industries from being placed at a
disadvantage against international competitors that are not yet subject to
comparable carbon constraints. Chapter 6 is a national interest analysis of
how compensation should be deployed to each of these groups.

Of course, under a direct action or regulatory approach, costs are
imposed on households and businesses but none of these benefits are
available to balance them.

National versus vested interests

Yet, as clear as the case for carbon pricing may seem, the political basis
for such policies has weakened since 2008. Alongside the central discussion
of climate policy, this book is a guide to another struggle that is deeply
colouring the climate change debate—the struggle between special interests
and the national interest.

This conflict is not new. Indeed, it is always with us, and always will
be. But there are periods when the special interests have had the strongest
hold on policy, and others in which policy making is strongly grounded in
the national interest.

It is salutary to recall that Australia, with New Zealand, had the poorest
productivity performance of all the countries that are now developed through
the 20th century to the mid-1980s. The long period of underperformance
had its origins in the domination of policy by business and union vested
interests. Political leaders responded to democratic pressures with protection
and regulation. There was little competition to prompt firms to seek new,
more productive ways of doing business.

We managed to break out of that from 1983 onwards, and entered a
remarkable period of productivity-raising reform. After a while, suggestions for
policy reform were not taken seriously by anyone unless they were placed in a
sound national interest context. The leadership of the Australian Council of Trade
Unions responded quickly to the circumstances offered by a new approach to
government. To remain relevant to the policy process, the old, protectionist
business lobbies were reformed as the Business Council of Australia.

Protective and regulatory constraints on higher productivity were
progressively reduced.

The period of policy reform oriented to the national interest lasted
until the turn of the century. Productivity responded to the new political
culture and the policies that it supported. Australian productivity growth in
the 1990s after the recession at the start of the decade was the highest in the
developed world.

The end of the era of reform can be dated fairly precisely. No major
market-based productivity-raising reform has survived the political process
since the tax reform package of 2001. That package was itself deeply
compromised by the increased distortions in federal–state financial relations
that had been introduced as the political price for reform. And it was bought
with ‘overcompensation’ amounting to about a percentage point of Australian
national income.

From the beginning of the 21st century, Australian policy making has
reverted to type. Business and union organisations refocused on securing
sectional gains. Governments responded. There could be no policy change
if there were any losers, so there could be no productivity-raising change at
all. There has been little increase in the productivity with which resources
(capital and labour together) are used in Australia so far in the 21st century,
and none at all since 2003.

The absence of total productivity growth over the last decade was
covered up for a few years at the beginning of the century by an extraordinary
boom in housing and consumption, mainly funded by unsustainable foreign
borrowing by our banks. That boom would have ended quickly in tears had
we not been rescued by a resources boom—much higher export prices and,
after a while, investment in resources—of historic dimensions. Now it will end
in tears after a longer period.

This is the problematic political context of the climate change policy
discussion.

Some business leaders have recently drawn attention to the need for
long views and hard decisions in policy making. They say that the minority
Labor government elected by the Australian people in 2010 is weak and lacks
long time horizons.

A more accurate accounting would recognise that the current government
has taken on the most difficult and long-dated policy reform that has ever been
attempted. It has taken on a reform in the national interest that must overcome
stronger pressures from sectional interests than any since the contests over
protection in the 1980s and early 1990s. That part of big business that is
active in the debate has taken on the role of spoiler. Chapter 7 examines this
phenomenon and notes that in a political economy already dominated by
vested interests, a transparent, market-based carbon price is far less likely to
be unduly influenced by private interests than a regulatory approach which
provides recurring opportunities for lobbying. A market-based approach will,
for this among other reasons, cost Australians substantially less.

The same calculation applies to adapting to the degree of climate
change that is already locked in regardless of mitigation efforts from this time
forth. Chapter 8 looks at the likely adaptation measures that will be required.
The key to success and greatest efficiency will be maintaining a productive,
flexible, market-oriented economy.

The independent centre

I noted in the 2008 Review that the diabolical policy issue of climate change
had a ‘saving grace’ that may make all the difference—that climate change
is an issue in which a high proportion of Australians are deeply interested.

This provided an opportunity for the exercise of authority by an independent
centre, against the claims of interests that see themselves as being negatively
affected by mitigation. My consultations and community engagement through
the update of the Review have confirmed the continued presence of the
saving grace, although it has been tested by the bizarre quality of the public
discussion of recent times.

In confronting the spoiling voices, we must remember that rejection of
current proposals for carbon pricing would not end the debate over climate
change policy. It might, however, end the possibility of action at relatively
low cost.

The increasing impact of climate change as well as policy developments
abroad would prompt continued pressure for new policy in Australia. Inaction
by Australia, with the highest emissions per person in the developed world,
would invite retaliation in trade and other areas of international cooperation.

If current efforts on carbon pricing failed, debate would continue over how
much Australia should do and how we should do it. This would continue to
raise the supply price of investment in businesses that might be affected by
restrictions on emissions. The political system would respond to continued
community interest in and pressure for action on climate change by myriad
costly interventions. The failure of current efforts to place a price on carbon
through much of the economy would open the way to a long period of policy
incoherence and instability.

There is no reason why carbon pricing should continue to be a matter
of partisan political division in Australia. In much of the world—perhaps
everywhere except Australia and the United States—concern for global
warming is a conservative as much as a social democratic issue. The
conservative governments of Germany, the United Kingdom, France and the
Republic of Korea are playing important global leadership roles. Even in the
United States, the most effective political leadership on climate change has
come from a Republican governor of California and a Republican mayor of
New York.

A concern to avoid dangerous climate change fits naturally within the
conservative tradition. It may be rational for the radical to risk the institutions
of human civilisation in a throw of the climate change dice, just as Lenin saw
merit in inflation in the capitalist countries. The radical may hope that the
outcome will open the social and political order to new shapes. It is strange
for the conservative to embrace such risk.

Nor do the characteristic divisions between the conservative and social
democrat argue for conservative opposition to carbon pricing. Market-based
approaches to mitigation sit as easily with a conservative party that is selfdescribed
as liberal, as they do with social democratic parties.

It would be open to current or future leaders of the conservative side of
Australian politics to take over ownership of carbon pricing arrangements
once they are in place. The interests of their future governments, as
well as those of Australia, would be served well by the continuation of
carbon pricing.

Transformations

The Member for New England in the House of Representatives, Tony Windsor,
has commented that if the whole world really were doing nothing, there
would be no point in Australia seeking to reduce greenhouse gas emissions.
We might as well join the other lemmings as they rush over the high bluff.

Fortunately for humanity—and in particular for Australians as residents
of the country in the developed world that is most vulnerable to climate
change—much of the rest of the world is not behaving like lemmings.

Despite the raucous disputation and associated inaction in Australia,
other countries have kept alive the possibility of effective global action. There
is substantial action in many countries to constrain greenhouse gas emissions,
but the future shape of international action could evolve in a number of
different ways. Australian policy should seek to shape that evolution in line
with our national interest in effective mitigation of climate change, while
calibrating Australian policy to what others are doing.

Both the Australian Government and the Opposition have committed
themselves to a minimum reduction of emissions of 5 per cent by 2020. This
book defines a process through which we would adjust that share over time
in light of what others were doing.

If we commit ourselves to doing our fair share, and maintain that level
of commitment through the governance mechanisms recommended in this
book, there can be a smooth adjustment to increased international effort.

The targets would be tightened as other countries became more ambitious in
reducing emissions. Carbon prices would rise on international markets and
that would be reflected in the Australian price. There would be certainty for
business about the process, although the carbon price would change over
time. But price fluctuations are the kind of uncertainty with which business
is familiar—like the uncertainties in commodity and financial markets that are
managed in the normal course of business.

How much the transition costs depends on Australians’ success in
innovation. The carbon price will make it profitable to do new things in
new ways. Some Australian businesses and individuals will do those things
and fund those ways, and others will learn from them. We need a lot of
technological change over a short period of time. Chapter 9 discusses policies
to make sure we get it.

The effect of the carbon price upon the two industry sectors that are most
enmeshed by climate change and mitigation—agriculture and electricity—are
covered in chapters 10 and 11.

The Australian rural sector will be challenged greatly by climate change,
which will generate higher prices for farm products but place barriers against
making good use of them. A world of effective global mitigation would
provide many opportunities for Australian farmers, as they would be in a
better position to take advantage of higher world prices resulting from other
developments in the global economy. Farmers should be able to sell the full
range of legitimate biosequestration credits into the carbon pricing scheme,
providing the basis for a new industry of considerable potential.

The evolution of the electricity sector under carbon pricing should
not cause the community anxiety. Australia has an incomparable range
of emissions-reducing options. The early stages of the transition will see
expansion of gas at the expense of coal alongside the emergence of a range
of renewable energy sources. The carbon price will arbitrate between the
claims of different means of reducing emissions as the profitability of each
is affected by many domestic and international developments. Whether or
not coal has a future at home and as an export industry depends on the
success of technologies for sequestration of carbon dioxide wastes. There is
little reason for concern about the physical security of energy supply during
the transition to a low-emissions economy, but I propose some cost-effective
measures to ease anxieties in parts of the community.

This book is the story of Australia’s national interest in contributing
our fair share to a global mitigation effort. It is a story of how market-based
approaches to mitigation can bring out the best in Australians, and a return
to regulatory approaches the worst. Both best and worst lead us to the same
conclusion: that a broad-based market approach will best preserve Australian
prosperity as we make the transition to a low-carbon future.




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