Showing posts with label crisis. Show all posts
Showing posts with label crisis. Show all posts

Tuesday, July 22, 2014

MH17. Why planes and financial systems crash

What does the crash of Malaysia Airlines flight MH17 have to do with the global financial crisis?

One was destroyed by a surface-to-air-missile, the other came about because huge numbers of American housing loans became worthless at once. Enabling each was a bet that the unlikely wouldn’t happen.

It’s usually a good bet.

Qantas, Korean Air, and Taiwan's China Airlines weren't prepared to take it. They rerouted their flights to avoid the Ukraine months ago. Their caution cost them fuel, travelling time and profits.

Airlines such as Malaysia, Singapore and Lufthansa took a punt.

“What logic, what lack of sensitivity, and what lack of basic decency influenced Singapore Airlines and Malaysia Airlines and others to expose their passengers to these risks?” asked aviation journalist Ben Sandilands on his blog Plane Talking.

The logic was that the unlikely probably wouldn’t happen, or at least wouldn’t to them. Being slaughtered while flying well above a war zone is what experts call a low-probability, high-impact event.

Coldly risking something catastrophic in the knowledge that it almost certainly won’t happen (at least not to you) is a way to deliver superior financial returns, right up the point when it is not. And it’s rife in the finance industry.

Fund managers get paid for performance. Well ahead of the financial crisis in early 2008 two academics from Oxford and Pennsylvania universities demonstrated that it was possible for a fund manager to consistently deliver superior performance by betting the fund that an unlikely catastrophic event wouldn’t happen.

If, as was highly likely, the catastrophe never occurred the bet would pay off and they would be rewarded for their superior performance. If it eventually did occur they would have already received their bonuses and could leave the fund to collapse, moving on to a new job.

Because fund managers keep their methods secret professors Peyton Young and Dean Foster said it was “virtually impossible to set up an incentive structure that rewards skilled hedge fund managers without at the same time rewarding unskilled managers and outright con artists”.

As they put it, “anyone can cobble together a car that delivers apparently superior performance for a period of time and then breaks down completely”. Airlines can do it, privatised electricity suppliers can do it by not investing in maintenance as Victoria has discovered to its cost during brownouts, and state governments can do it by continuing to allow building in flood prone locations as Queensland did before its most recent devastating flood.

The entire world can do it by acting as if climate change won’t be too serious (although that’s probably better described as a medium to high probability high-impact event).

And the manufacturers of financial products can do it...

In the leadup to the global financial crisis they created products sprinkled with loans that could never be repaid if housing prices fell. But they bet that prices wouldn’t fall, not all at once. Compliant ratings agencies produced estimates of how unlikely such an event was. When it happened the products and the financial institutions that created them became worthless. The government rescued the important ones and much of the world slid into recession.

There’s no quick fix to stop it.

Part of the solution is better regulation, something the world’s financial authorities are on to after the global financial crisis. But regulation usually only closes a door after a crisis. Then a different unforeseeable event occurs creating another crisis creating another regulation.

As strange as it seems rewards for performance are probably a bad idea. They are what encouraged reckless practices in the United States. If Qantas schedulers were paid bonuses for speed they might have been keener to flirt with danger.

On the other hand real ownership could help. Paying employees in shares that couldn’t be cashed in for years would encourage them to be careful, as would requiring maintenance engineers to engrave their names of the fuselage of the planes they repair - a practice that is said to take place in Japan.

The best antidote is probably a rigorous cost benefit and risk analysis performed by someone whose pay cheque doesn’t depend on the next month’s profit.

The Coalition embraced such an idea in its September election policy. All Commonwealth infrastructure spending exceeding $100 million was to be “subject to analysis by Infrastructure Australia to test cost-effectiveness and financial viability”. Even state government projects only partially supported by the Commonwealth were to face Infrastructure Australia scrutiny.

No longer. On Thursday the government rejected a Senate resolution that would have given effect to its own policy. Labor moved that the reward payments made to states that privatise assets and then use the proceeds for new projects be subject to Infrastructure Australia cost benefit analysis. It would have covered the Metro Rail project and anything else funded by the sale of right to use the Port of Melbourne.

The Coalition said no.

Commonwealth cost benefit statements were “red tape with no additional benefit”. They risked delaying “the delivery of critical infrastructure”. They would “stand in the way of the government building a stronger more prosperous economy and investing in new infrastructure,” according to the finance minister Mathias Cormann.

But when lots of money or lives are at stake, delay is often a good idea. There’s a lot to be said for caution.

In The Age and Sydney Morning Herald


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. 2008. The sub-prime primer

. "Things were right on the edge" - the crisis as it unfolded



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Monday, February 18, 2013

"Get your economies moving". What Swan actually told the G20

Group of Twenty finance ministers concluded their two day summit in Moscow Sunday with a pledge to avoid a global currency war, but Australia's Treasurer Wayne Swan thinks they’ve missed the point.

In a forceful intervention near the end of the conference Mr Swan said much of the talk about “so-called currency wars” was “completely misguided”. It “unhelpfully reduced the focus on the G20’s critical agenda to boost growth and create jobs”.

What other finance ministers thought of as intervention to devalue currencies was more often the byproduct of completely appropriate moves to try and kick-start economies.

“Global growth with a ‘3’ in front of it simply won’t cut the mustard if we want to reduce the unacceptably high levels of unemployment,” Mr Swan told the summit.

“We all agree that countries shouldn’t be targeting exchange rates for competitive purposes, but what we should support is domestically-focussed policies in the major advanced economies aimed at boosting growth and jobs.”

“There is a big difference between indirect effects on market exchange rates from accommodative monetary policy and actually engaging in competitive devaluation.”

“Quite frankly, I think we’re seeing central bankers in the world’s biggest economies take unconventional measures to support growth and jobs because interest rates are already near-zero and fiscal policy is not providing enough support to growth".

“We need to see governments in many advanced economies get rid of the handbrake on growth that’s coming from damaging fiscal austerity.”

“You don’t need to slash and burn now to put your budget on a sustainable path over the medium term – in fact, cutting too hard now will rip the guts out of growth and leave you with higher debt later on.”

The summit ended with a communiqué committing members to “refrain from competitive devaluation”.

‘‘Politically-motivated devaluations can’t sustainably improve competitiveness, they don’t solve structural problems and they set off reactions,’’ said Bundesbank President Jens Weidmann. ‘‘The clear language in the communique underlines this unity and will allow the debate in the future to take place with a less excited tone.’’

The new commitment is probably aimed at telling the Japanese that while they can stimulate their economy, they shouldn’t target the yen, said Chris Turner, head of foreign-exchange strategy at ING Groep NV in London. ‘‘It makes it harder for the Japanese to talk down the yen, but they will let their policies do the talking,’’ he said.

Japanese officials in Moscow insisted the fall in the yen was a byproduct - not a target -of their effort to revive the world’s third-largest economy, a view supported by Mr Swan.

Earlier he had told Bloomberg television the yen’s devaluation was ‘‘a matter for the market. The Japanese approach was “to stimulate their domestic economy. That is also good for the global economy.’’

Bank of Japan Governor Masaaki Shirakawa said the G20 communique was ‘‘absolutely in the same spirit as our monetary policy.”

‘‘The Bank of Japan’s measures have been and will remain targeted at achieving a robust economy through stable prices,’’ he said.

The ministers also pledged to crack down on tax avoidance by multinational companies.
The communique said members were determined to to stop firms shifting profits to pay less tax.

In today's Age


HOCKEY'S TAKE

The Hon Joe HOCKEY MP

SHADOW TREASURER
Monday, 18 February 2013

MORE DEBT IS NOT THE ANSWER

Wayne Swan is yet again in Wayne’s world. Wayne Swan’s call for developed countries at the G20 to take on more debt is ludicrous.

The Treasurer must recognise that if debt is the problem then more debt is surely not the answer. All countries must learn to live within their means and Australia is no exception.

Wayne Swan’s call is code and cover for Labor to keep on borrowing, and is the clearest sign yet that he is trying to justify the fact he has lost control of our nation's finances.

Julia Gillard and Wayne Swan have driven up Australia’s credit card to over a quarter of a trillion dollars.

Labor does not live within their means; it is just not in their DNA. They never have and they never will.

[ENDS]








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. This debt nonsense...

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Thursday, June 14, 2012

It's the carbon tax wot done it - we're gloomy no matter what

Me on ABC Nightlife. June 13, 2012

9 minutes, play or RIGHT CLICK to download mp3



Ask families if their finances have improved over the past year and they are likely to feel perky. Australians gave more positive answers to that question this month than last, and more positive answers than they did a year ago.

Ask about the economy and their answers are little changed over recent months.

But ask about family finances over the coming year and the answers are so overwhelmingly negative you need to go right back to 1990 to find feelings so bad.

Just 18.5 per cent of those surveyed in this month’s Westpac Melbourne Institute consumer survey expect their finances to improve in the year ahead.A much bigger 32.2 per cent expect them to get worse.

The gap - 13.7 percentage points - is the widest since the eve of Australia’s last recession in November 1990, more than twenty years ago.

“This is strikingly negative,” says Westpac economist Matthew Hassan. “To be more negative about future family finances now than during the global financial crisis is quite surprising.”

Mr Hassan thinks anxiety about the carbon tax is part of the explanation and points to special questions asked about perceptions of news. A relatively high proportion of of those surveyed reported hearing news about tax. The proportion who found the news positive was dwarfed by the proportion who found it negative...

Perceptions of international economic news were even worse. Almost everyone who reported hearing news from overseas found it negative.

Treasurer Wayne Swan will tell a Euromoney bond forum in Sydney this morning the most immediate source of uncertainty is the outcome of the Greek elections in three days time.

He will say there is no escaping the conclusion that Europe has a long and painful road ahead, with the most likely scenario rolling crises and volatility.

With the global outlook uncertain and markets punishing nations without a credible fiscal plan, it is “critical” Australia maintains budget discipline.

The overall Westpac consumer confidence failed to bounce after the Reserve Bank interest rate cut delivered at the start of this month, climbing a barely-measurable 0.4 per cent to be down 5.6 per cent over the year.

Views about whether now is a good time to spend improved. Australians were 6 per cent more likely to feel it was a good time to buy a car as in March and 2 per cent likely to believe it was a good time to buy a house.

In today's Canberra Times, Sydney Morning Herald and Age


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. Carbon tax angst. It's worrying the Reserve Bank

. Governor Stevens: We need more confidence

. The carbon tax will cost how much?

CSI
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Tuesday, June 12, 2012

Economic apocalypse? Me with Felix Salmon and Tad Tietze

Radio National Sunday Extra June 10, 2012

20 minutes, play or RIGHT CLICK to download mp3




"Is the end nigh? Is everything we know and trust in the world economy about to collapse? And if so, what might come after the economic apocalypse? The news is currently filled with grim predictions about markets and economies—sovereign debt, austerity, loans and credit default swaps are the buzzwords of our time. Our panel explores the eurozone crisis and the world's present economic woes, and discusses what the economy of the future might look like."











Related Posts

. Don't treat fiscal policy as a morality play. This could be 1930 - IMF

. Recommendation overtaken by events. It's up to the board.

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Tuesday, June 05, 2012

Recommendation overtaken by events. It's up to the board.

Announcement here at 1430 AEST

A $26 billion slide in the Australian share market, tumbling commodity prices and company profits and shrinking job vacancies have made the outcome of today’s Reserve Bank board meeting an open question.

The governor’s recommendation sent to board members Friday has been overtaken by events.

Weaker than expected news from China, India, Europe and the United States along with a 4 per cent slide in Australian first quarter profits and a 2.4 per cent fall in May job advertisements combined to push the ASX200 share index down 1.9 per cent to a six-month low of 3985 points. It was the first time the index had closed below the psychologically-important 4000 mark since November.

The market is now 41 per cent below its pre-crisis peak and down 10.2 per cent since the start of May.

The Australian dollar also slid to its lowest point for the year, closing down 0.4 of a US cent at 96.65 US cents on news of falling commodity prices and growing speculation the Reserve Bank will cut its cash rate by 0.50 rather than 0.25 points at today’s meeting. The oil price has slipped 8 per cent over the week and the copper price 3.9 per cent.

In Canberra Treasurer Wayne Swan briefed Cabinet on the weekend news describing jobs data in Europe and the United States as very disappointing.

Euro-area unemployment has hit 11 per cent, a new high for the region, and US unemployment has hit 8.2 per cent.

Mr Swan told Cabinet while European policymakers had made some progress they hadn’t done enough and it was not clear they would. The June 17 Greek elections were a potential flashpoint...

A report from financial regulators commissioned by Mr Swan showed Australian banks were well funded for at least six months ahead and could sit on sidelines for a while if funding markets deteriorated.

Australia’s economy and banks had limited direct exposure to Europe.

Chinese policymakers were well positioned to support growth and Australia’s budget surplus provided a buffer against global uncertainty and helped support Australia’s AAA credit ratings.

While the Reserve Bank took its decisions independently the budget had given it maximum flexibility to cut rates again if it chose to.

Throughout the day economists who had been predicting no cut switched to predicting a cut in the face of the run of bad news. HSBC chief economist Paul Bloxham said the global data was much weaker than had been expected and the US data was dismal. The Bank would try to stay “ahead of the game” by cutting 0.25 points.

Former Reserve Bank board member Warwich McKibbin told the Herald / Age from Washington that he thought the Bank shouldn’t cut, but only because the global situation was likely to get a lot worse and the Bank should wait and see what happened.

Stephen Koukoulas, a former economic advisor to Prime Minister Gillard ridiculed the idea of waiting until things got worse saying it was like refusing to treat a snake bite with antivenom cause there might be a second snake.

Saul Eslake of the Bank of America said he would prefer that the Bank kept its powder dry, but that if it did cut it should do 0.50 percentage points rather than 0.25 to show it was serious. If it did not cut it should be prepared to take emergency action between meetings around the time of the Greek election.

Business indicators released by the Bureau of Statistics showed company profits down 4 per cent in the March quarter and down 0.5 per cent over the year. Mining profits fell 10 per cent during the quarter. Inventories built up when goods are not sold climbed 3.4 per cent over the year. The TD Securities inflation gauge showed little evidence of price pressure with prices unchanged in may and up just 1.8 pc over the year

In today's Canberra Times, Sydney Morning Herald and Age


Related Posts

. A cut of 0.50 points? Again?

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Monday, June 04, 2012

A cut of 0.50 points? Again?

Things are looking bleak

The Reserve Bank is being urged to cut rates a further 0.50 points at its board meeting tomorrow in a dramatic bid to head off a downward spiral in confidence ahead of the introduction of the carbon tax on July 1.

The cut would follow the cut of 0.50 points in May and the two cuts of 0.25 percentage points in November in December. Combined they have cut the Reserve Bank’s cash rate from 4.75 to 3.75 per cent and taken the standard variable mortgage rate from 7.80 per cent to around 7.04 per cent.

AMP Capital chief economist Shane Oliver who is pushing for the cut says he doesn’t expect it to be fully passed on to borrowers.

“That’s one of the reasons the Reserve Bank should and will cut 50 points,” he told the Herald. “The trouble with doing 0.25 points is the banks will only pass on some of it. Westpac could afford to pass on the lot but I can’t see the others doing it.”

“Since the board last met we have seen further deterioration in Europe, universally poor Chinese data, and a turndown in the United States. At home house prices are turning down again and unemployment is set to climb"...

Dr Oliver expects Australia’s unemployment rate to climb to 5.2 per cent when the figures are released Thursday and to head toward 6 per cent by the end of the year. He expects the economic growth figures released Wednesday to remain below their long term trend.

“With the non-mining economy so weak and the overall economy growing below trend confidence is fragile. We’re hearing bad news on Europe, on house prices, on the United States and on China. Now we are about to get the carbon tax.”

“You could mount a logical argument that the Reserve Bank can afford to wait a month before cutting - financially it shouldn’t make much difference. But the impact on confidence would be immense. Households are hoping for a rate cut. Without one there’s a significant risk of psychological damage, of a downward spiral.”

Dr Oliver backs up Westpac chief economist Bill Evans who said Friday he saw a series of Reserve Bank cuts between now and Christmas taking the cash rate down from 3.75 per cent to 2.75 per cent.

The futures market is pricing in a cut to 2.75 per cent by August and a cut of more than 0.25 points tomorrow. The pricing reflects a dive in Australian 10-year government bond yields to around 2.8 per cent Friday, the lowest in 40 years. Increasing concern about the international economy is forcing investors to accept lower interest rates in return for the privilege of parking their money with the Australian government, which they regard as relatively safe.

The past week has brought news of big withdrawals from Spanish banks as 97 billion euro ($A124 billion) left the county, much weaker than expected growth in Chinese manufacturing and an upturn in US unemployment to 8.2 per cent.

Commodity prices fell sharply, the oil price sliding 8 per cent and the copper price 3.9 per cent. The Australian dollar slid to 97 US cents - its lowest point in eight months.

Treasurer Wayne Swan said the international news was a “reminder of how much better our economy has performed over the past few years”.

Returning the budget to surplus gave the Reserve Bank “room to cut interest rates further if the independent board thinks that’s necessary”.

In today's Sydney Morning Herald and Age


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. The market is pricing in 2.25 per cent, within a year

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Wednesday, March 21, 2012

The circular bike track. Our hastily-assembled stimulus program

A bike track that goes round in circles probably isn’t what Bob Brown was thinking of when he levered $40 million out of the government’s stimulus program to be spent on bikeways as part of a “major new investment in public transport”.

Applicants for the funds were meant to demonstrate how the money would create alternative transport options. But the auditor general has found the Department of Employment never assessed applications against that criteria and didn’t always rank them according to employment criteria.

One grant of $179,682 allowed Queensland’s Sunshine Coast council to build an 850 metre long, five metre wide circular track for competition cyclists to do laps. Instead of being funded up to 50 per cent by the Commonwealth in accordance with the guidelines it was 100 per cent funded.

The auditor general finds the department “did not undertake any analysis” of each application’s ability to contribute to the program’s stated objectives and had “no processes in place” to compare claims of jobs created.

Instead it identified projects as either meeting all of the criteria or not and then handed all of them - both those that did meet all the criteria and those that did not - to the then minister Julia Gillard or her assistant minister asking the minister to circle ‘approved’ or ‘not approved,’ “regardless of whether the department had assessed the project as meeting all criteria”...

Although approved by Cabinet in October 2009, many of the projects continued well beyond the global financial crisis. More than 80 per cent missed their due completion dates. The final $2 million of payments was sent out in June 2011.

The auditor general found that while most applications for funds came from Labor electorates, approvals for funds did not disproportionately favour those electorates.


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Wednesday, January 25, 2012

Don't treat fiscal policy as a morality play. This could be 1930 - IMF

Gee, how did The Australian report her pleas about fiscal policy?

The world will face a “1930s moment” of the kind that brought on the great depression unless money can quickly be found to support nations such as Italy and Spain, the International Monetary Fund says.

Ahead of releasing dramatically downgraded forecasts early this morning Australian time IMF chief Christine Lagarde told an audience in Berlin $1 trillion would be needed to support ailing governments and stave off a deeper crisis - half of which would have to come from Fund backers such as Australia.

Australian Treasurer Wayne Swan backed Ms Lagarde saying without “larger firewalls” to protect embattled European nations the global economy was a risk.

But Shadow Treasurer Joe Hockey questioned whether such payments were in Australia's national interest.

The IMF has shaved three quarters of one per cent off its previous global global growth forecast issued in September. It expects the world economy to grow by 3.25 per cent in 2012 and advanced economies 1.2 per cent. China would grow 8.2 per cent, down from 9.2 per cent. The so-called Eurozone would shrink 0.5 per cent before growing weakly in 2013.

But Ms Lagarde warned the world was facing something much worse - “a 1930s moment, in which inaction, insularity, and rigid ideology combine to cause a collapse in global demand”...

“I understand the frustrations of the rest of the world. Just as they were picking up the pieces after the 2008 crisis they watch their recovery being blown off course by trouble in Europe. I also understand the feelings in countries that have been thrifty, asked to help those who could have managed their economies more prudently,” she said.

“But must all understand is that this is a defining moment. It is not about saving any one country or region. It is about saving the world from a downward economic spiral.”

The IMF economic update released overnight (WED 2.00AM) warns of “adverse feedback loops” in which countries that have trouble paying debts cut spending further, depressing their economies further, making it even harder to repay their debts and imperiling financial institutions worldwide.

In Berlin Ms Legard attacked the “worrisome tendency to view fiscal policy as a morality play between profligacy and responsibility.”

Spending cutbacks were no longer a black or white issue. While governments should commit to cutting spending in the medium term, the US in particular should avoid cutting further at the moment. Countries such as Australia which could readily finance higher deficits should allow them to climb rather than cut back if the world turned down.

Mr Swan endorsed the IMF analysis saying no country can expect to be immune from the global threats it identified.

Coalition Treasury spokesman Joe Hockey said should the IMF ask Australia for more money “the government must explain to taxpayers whether it would be in Australia's national interest to contribute, and from where it plans to fund any such contribution."

A spokesman for Mr Swan responded “Mr Hockey would be better off working out how he will pay for the $70 billion budget crater that he announced on breakfast television, rather than undermining half a century of Australian governments meeting their responsibilities”.

Published in today's Canberra Times, SMH and Age


Global Challenges in 2012

By Christine Lagarde
Managing Director, International Monetary Fund

Berlin, January 23, 2012

Good afternoon. It’s a great honor for me to be here, in Germany, in this great city of Berlin. Germany plays a vital role in Europe, in the global economy, and on the global stage. There can be no resolution to the crisis without Germany, and a lack of resolution will in turn hurt Germany, the euro area’s economic linchpin. I can think of no more suitable place to make this point than the German Council on Foreign Relations, which has been at the forefront of the debate on Germany’s role in the world for the past fifty years.

Before going any further, I would like to pay tribute to the tireless efforts of my good and highly-respected friends Chancellor Merkel and Minister Schäuble in seeking solutions to this crisis.

As we turn the page on a turbulent year, a year in which so much of what could go wrong did go wrong, many look to the future with trepidation and foreboding. They worry about uncertain economic prospects, dwindling job opportunities, and rising inequality. About what kind of future awaits their children.

Indeed, in the economic outlook that the IMF will release tomorrow, we will lower growth forecasts for most parts of the world. Even these lower forecasts assume a constructive policy path that is by no means assured.

In too many places, uncertainty is holding back demand and the willingness to lend. A legacy of high public and private debt is hurting economic prospects. The global financial system remains fragile.

In an interconnected world like ours, these forces are feeding each other across borders. Capital flows to emerging markets have already dropped off, and growth is expected to slow even in the most vibrant parts of the world economy. Low-income countries are especially vulnerable.
Yet before we indulge in yet another bout of collective pessimism, which is becoming something of a global sport, let me ask a simple question—why did 2011 turn out so badly?

I would argue that it was not because of any fresh wound to the global economy. No, it was driven instead by a lack of a collective determination to reach a cooperative solution. We saw many false starts and half measures in 2011—in Europe, but also, for instance, in the United States with its debt ceiling debacle.

Put simply, policymakers let an old wound fester, and in doing so made the situation worse.
Looking at it from this perspective, 2012 must be a year of healing. But as Hippocrates put it long ago: “Healing is a matter of time, but it is sometimes also a matter of opportunity”.

And today, it has to be an opportunity of our making. Otherwise, we could easily slide into a “1930s moment”. A moment where trust and cooperation break down and countries turn inward. A moment, ultimately, leading to a downward spiral that could engulf the entire world.

I remain ever hopeful. I believe we can avoid such a scenario. I say this for a simple reason: we know what must be done. That is my core message to you today—although the economic outlook remains deeply worrisome, there is a way out. Now the world must find the political will to do what it knows must be done.

I would like to lay out the core elements of a policy path forward, in three broad aspects:

First, the path for the euro zone.

Second, the role of the rest of the world.

Third, the particular role and responsibility of the IMF.

Policies in the euro zone

I will start with Europe, which is at the center of concerns—not only because of the historical project it represents but, more pointedly, because of the extensive trade and financial linkages that bind everyone else to it.

In coming to grips with Europe’s crisis, I want to acknowledge up front just how far the euro zone has come in addressing the new realities it faces.

Eurozone countries have established their cross-border safety net with the European Financial Stability Facility (the EFSF) and outlined a permanent version of it with the European Stability Mechanism (the ESM)—only two years ago, this was heresy. They have taken a harmonized approach to recapitalizing banks, and set up a systemic risk board. Governance reforms to enforce stronger and more effective fiscal discipline are in train and individual countries are taking tough decisions to rein in fiscal deficits. In addition, the European Central Bank has unleashed impressive resources to make long-term liquidity available to banks.

These major steps must be recognized. Yet I would not be the first to argue that these moves form pieces, but pieces only, of a comprehensive solution. Many within Europe are themselves making this point with increasing forcefulness.

Let me therefore offer my perspective on what remains to be done. There are three imperatives—stronger growth, larger firewalls, and deeper integration.

First, stronger growth. This has a number of dimensions.

With the euro area economy slowing sharply, inflation is already declining and we see a sizable risk that it will fall well below target next year, raising debt burdens and further hurting growth. Additional and timely monetary easing will be important to reduce such risks.

Stronger growth also means preventing banks from going into reverse gear, contracting credit in the face of market pressure. Solutions should focus on raising capital levels—rather than cutting back lending—as the way to boost capital ratios. Maintaining orderly funding conditions is also imperative.

On fiscal policy, resorting to across-the-board, across-the continent, budgetary cuts will only add to recessionary pressures. Yes, several countries have no choice but to tighten public finances, sharply and quickly. But this is not true everywhere. There is a large core where fiscal adjustment can be more gradual. Automatic stabilizers, which let tax revenues fall and spending rise as the economy weakens, should certainly be allowed to operate. And those with fiscal space should support the common effort by reconsidering the pace of adjustment planned for this year.

Some countries still have much to do to boost their competitiveness and growth potential. For this, structural reforms are critical, however medium or long-term their impact might be. As experience tells us, fiscal sustainability depends, ultimately, on generating long-term growth.

Second, we need a larger firewall. Without it, countries like Italy and Spain, that are fundamentally able to repay their debts, could potentially be forced into a solvency crisis by abnormal financing costs. This would have disastrous implications for systemic stability. Adding substantial real resources to what is currently available by folding the EFSF into the ESM, increasing the size of the ESM, and identifying a clear and credible timetable for making it operational would help greatly. Action by the ECB to provide the necessary liquidity support to stabilize bank funding and sovereign debt markets would also be essential.

We must also break the vicious cycle of banks hurting sovereigns and sovereigns hurting banks. This works both ways. Making banks stronger, including by restoring adequate capital levels, stops banks from hurting sovereigns through higher debt or contingent liabilities. And restoring confidence in sovereign debt helps banks, which are important holders of such debt and typically benefit from explicit or implicit guarantees from sovereigns.

This brings me to my third point—deeper integration. In a sense, the crisis is a crisis of incomplete integration. At the euro-area level, the fundamentals look good—the current account is balanced and inflation and the fiscal deficit are both low. But the euro area does not handle internal imbalances well. In addition, a single financial market cannot rely on legal and institutional frameworks that operate on an asymmetric national basis.

To break the feedback loop between sovereigns and banks, we need more risk sharing across borders in the banking system. In the near term, a pan-euro area facility that has the capacity to take direct stakes in banks will help break this link. Looking further ahead, monetary union needs to be supported by financial integration in the form of unified supervision, a single bank resolution authority with a common backstop, and a single deposit insurance fund.

The euro area also needs greater fiscal integration—it is not tenable for seventeen completely independent fiscal policies to sit alongside one monetary policy. To complement its “fiscal compact”, the area needs some form of fiscal risk-sharing, which would allow for common support before economic dislocation in one country develops into a costly fiscal and financial crisis for the entire euro area.

A number of financing options are available to support such risk sharing, including the creation of euro area bonds or bills or, as proposed by the German Council of Economic Advisors, a debt redemption fund. Political agreement on a joint bond to underpin risk sharing would help convince markets of the future viability of European economic and monetary union.

Policies in the rest of the world

Let me now turn to my second broad area—policies in the rest of the world. I have dwelt on Europe only because it is at the epicenter of the current crisis and thus key to the global outlook. But other economies have at least as important a role in getting to a better outcome.
The United States, as the world’s largest economy and the center of the global financial system, has a special responsibility. Yes, it is recovering, but at a timid pace, and unemployment—while declining—remains unacceptably high.

The key policy priorities must be to relieve the burden of household debt and to deal decisively with the issue of public debt.

On housing, we have been calling for ways to make mortgage debt sustainable, including programs to facilitate write-downs. I understand the legal and political complexities but the current strategy is not working satisfactorily, and we need a rethink.

On public debt, American policymakers need to find a way past the partisan impasse, grasping all reasonable means of bringing down tomorrow’s deficits—including by reforming entitlements and raising revenue—without bringing down today’s economy.

This brings me to another worrisome tendency in many quarters—to view fiscal policy as a morality play between profligacy and responsibility. Political and market commentary is too often cast in these terms. Yet markets themselves have been schizophrenic about fiscal tightening, at times rewarding it with lower interest rates, and at other times recoiling at the implied growth slowdown and pushing up interest rates.

To reiterate our advice: credible measures that deliver and anchor savings in the medium term will help create space for accommodating growth today—by allowing a slower pace of consolidation.

What about other countries and regions?

In Japan, there is no way to avoid a credible consolidation plan that brings down public debt in the years ahead. Japan also needs reforms to raise long-term growth.

Countries with current account surpluses, whether advanced or emerging, also have a role to play—primarily by shifting to domestic demand to support global growth. After all, global deficits will shrink only if surpluses shrink too.

Here, China can help itself and the global economy by continuing to shift growth away from exports and investment, toward consumption. To get there, I’m thinking of such measures as fiscal support to household consumption and expanding social safety nets, and liberalizing the financial system. These are all reforms that the Chinese government itself has embraced.

One more point: We must not let financial regulation slip off the policy agenda. We simply cannot carry on with the financial sector that gave us the global financial crisis. We need a safer and more stable financial system, one that serves rather than destabilizes the real economy. While policymakers have made a lot of progress, they still need to complete the reform agenda and ensure that the new standards are implemented in a way that is consistent across countries.

The role of the IMF

Let me now turn to the role of the IMF, my third and final issue.

Clearly, a cooperative path means that all countries must work together with a common diagnosis toward a common solution.

A key role of the IMF is to lay out the inter-dependencies between countries and push for a cooperative outcome.

But the IMF can provide much more than analysis, advice and exhortation.

It can also provide financing when needed. I am convinced that we must step up the Fund’s lending capacity. The goal here is to supplement the resources Europe will be putting on the table, but also to meet the needs of “innocent bystanders” infected by contagion, anywhere in the world. A global world needs global firewalls.

In the coming years, we estimate a global potential financing need of $1 trillion. To play its part, the IMF would aim to raise up to $500 billion in additional lending resources. Right now, we are exploring options and consulting the membership.

In addition to resources, the IMF can also provide a “commitment mechanism” to lock in good policies when funding is not needed. Italy’s request for IMF monitoring of its policies is a good example of this.

Finally, because there has been so much loose talk about special “European bailouts”, let me reiterate a few points. Our financing is for all members, euro area or otherwise. We only lend to individual countries that request support and make strong policy commitments. That said, any support we provide to euro area countries must be anchored in a clear policy framework for the entire euro area. To safeguard our members’ resources, we have a responsibility to lend into sustainable debt positions. Our role is to catalyze, not indefinitely replace, private financing.

Conclusion

Let me wrap up. Although we all know what must be done, I realize that none of this will be easy. I understand the great political challenges facing policymakers.

I understand the frustration of the Europeans, who have built such a remarkable project out of the ruins of World War II. No, monetary union did not get everything right, but the global financial crisis that started across the Atlantic exposed its vulnerabilities more starkly. I also understand why Europeans feel that the difficult decisions they have taken are not being sufficiently recognized.

I also understand the frustrations of the rest of the world. Just as they were picking up the pieces after the 2008 crisis, they watch their recovery being blown off course by trouble in Europe. They wait for a resolution to this crisis that never seems to come, on a continent they feel is rich enough to resolve its problems on its own.

I understand the pain felt in those European countries that need to adjust, and the difficulty of sharing the burden in a way that is socially fair. But I also understand the feelings in countries that have been thrifty, asked to help those who could have managed their economies more prudently.

But what we must all understand is that this is a defining moment. It is not about saving any one country or region. It is about saving the world from a downward economic spiral. It is about avoiding a 1930s moment, in which inaction, insularity, and rigid ideology combine to cause a collapse in global demand.

The longer we wait, the worse it will get. The only solution is to move forward together. Our collective economic future depends on it.

More than most, Germany understands the virtues of determined solidarity. Through its experiences with its Soziale Marktwirtschaft and unification, it showed what can be accomplished by bringing everybody together in service of the common good. The world needs a strong leadership role from Germany today, and it is Germany’s core interest to provide such a role.

Let me end with a quote from Goethe: “It is not enough to know, we must apply. It is not enough to will, we must do.” (Es ist nicht genug, zu wissen, man muß auch anwenden; es ist nicht genug, zu wollen, man muß auch tun). This is the challenge of our year ahead.

Thank you very much.



Fiscal Monitor Update


World Economic Outlook Update


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Monday, January 23, 2012

Stimulus programs work. We need them ready - Access

Australia needs to be ready with a new economic stimulus program the moment Europe “blows” a leading economist says.

Deloitte Access director Chris Richardson uses this morning’s quarterly Business Outlook to implore political leaders not to let “talkback radio swamp smart policy,” should Europe take a turn for the worst.

“Australia’s fiscal stimulus last time was a striking success,” he writes. “It simply wasn't seen as that in the court of public opinion. That gap between reality and perception threatens a poor reaction by the punters if a new stimulus is needed in 2012.”

Access says its central scenario is that Europe's leaders “muddle through in a way that doesn’t stop Europe having a recession, but does avoid a deep recession and bank failures.”

But it says the risk is “almost as high” that Europe could ‘blow’ sparking bank busts and a new global financial crisis.

If that happens Australia should abandon its commitment to a small budget surplus in 2012-13 and instead embrace a “huge” budget deficit.

“We should be willing to do what worked last time,” he told The Age. “We shouldn’t let talkback radio decide what worked and what did not.”

The cash handouts worked very well... The school building programs worked less well, but not for the reason many people think.

“The problem wasn’t waste. The real waste occurs in a recession when people lose their jobs. Someone who is out of work for two years might not ever return to the workforce. That’s waste. The problem with the Building the Education Revolution program was it took too long. It was stimulating the economy beyond the point it was needed. Speed is essential.”

If Mr Richardson had his way interest rates would play a bigger role in fighting the next financial crisis and fiscal stimulus a smaller role. “But that doesn’t mean fiscal programs should have no role,” he said. Infrastructure projects should be “shovel ready.”

While the $15,000 First Home Owner Bonus was effective, Mr Richardson would be cautious about offering it again.

“First home owner programs are the crack cocaine of fiscal stimulus. They usually work a treat. But they make young couples spend too much on their first home, making their lives miserable down the track.”

Should the world avoid a new crisis Deloitte Access forecasts improved Australian economic growth of 3.2 per cent this financial year concentrated in the mining states. Victoria’s economy would grow 2.1 per cent, the NSW economy 2.3 per cent. A separate Commonwealth Securities State of the Statesreport released this morning puts Victoria in the second rung of economic performers along with the Australian Capital Territory. Western Australia is on the top rung, and all the other states in third place.

Published in today's Age


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You work in the finance sector. You've felt secure...

NSW is facing the worst year for its financial sector since the global crisis. Even without an escalation of the problems in Europe thousands of CBD jobs are at risk.

“Sydney’s finance sector businesses grew fat and lazy during many years of double digit credit growth through to 2007,” Deloitte Access Economics says in a report released this morning.

Although banks and finance sector firms rebuilt their workforces after the global financial crisis, many were “now reassessing their cost base — they think they have too many employees.”

“They thought we would return to double digit credit growth,” said report author Chris Richardson. “It couldn’t have gone on forever. Borrowing had been climbing 10 to 12 per cent per year while national income had been climbing 5 to 6 per cent per year. Instead we are saving. The party is over, and the realisation has only really dawned in the last six to nine months"...

Already Westpac is preparing to axe 1000 middle management positions and the ANZ has sacked 130 back office staff.

Mr Richardson said the damage would be felt most keenly in Sydney.

“Sydney is home to half the finance sector businesses in Australia. The sector accounts one in three Sydney CBD jobs,” he said.

“If Europe blows up, the finance sector cutbacks will be even deeper.”

Deloitte Access Economics is forecasting NSW employment growth of just 0.5 per cent this financial year, half the national average. The economy would grow at 2.3 per cent, well down on the national rate of 3.2 per cent.

This morning’s [MON] CommSec State of the States report places NSW in the bottom rung of economic performers along with South Australia, Tasmania, and Queensland. Western Australia is alone on the top rung. Victoria and the Australian Capital Territory share second place.

Mr Richardson said at the same time as the financial sector cut back the public sector would shrink as a result of Commonwealth cutbacks and a state government decision to “tread water”.

Retail was “not doing much,” and the manufacturing sector - vital to Western Sydney - was winding back.

The big plus for NSW was that its residents were heavily mortgaged, and so extremely sensitive to interest rates. “The lower rates will help in NSW more than anywhere else,” Mr Richardson said. “The overall outcome might not be too bad. But the finance sector will go from being a support to being a drag.”

Published in today's SMH


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Thursday, January 19, 2012

World Bank: We're on the edge of a new GFC

Australian authorities are taking seriously a World Bank warning of new financial crisis so severe it would eclipse the chaos that followed the collapse of Lehman Brothers in 2008.

World Bank lead economist Andrew Burns yesterday called on vulnerable nations to prepare for the worst and refinance loans now rather than waiting until funds dry up.

“If there are countries that have important amounts of financing coming due in the months and years ahead maybe now is the time to prefinance that debt, prepare the loans and get that money while financial markets are still relatively active,” he told reporters unveiling the Bank’s latest six-monthly assessment of global prospects in Beijing.

The World Bank has halved its previous 2012 forecast for economic growth in high-income countries and is forecasting negative growth for the collection of nations that use the euro as their currency.

It’s concern is that financial markets could stop working if lenders refuse to roll over European debts.

“A much wider financial crisis that could engulf private banks and other financial institutions on both sides of the Atlantic cannot be ruled out,” the report says. “Should this happen the ensuing global downturn is likely to be deeper and longer-lasting than the recession of 2008/2009.”

“Countries do not have the fiscal and monetary space to stimulate the global economy or support the financial system to the same degree as they did in 2008/09... While developing countries are in better shape than high-income countries, they too have fewer resources available. No country and no region will escape.”

Australia, not specifically mentioned in the report, has a relatively good budget position and a better ability than most to ward off a downturn by interest rate cuts and increased government spending as it did in 2008.

But the Bank says commodity-exporting nations such as Australia will find their budgets hit by much lower prices.

Its central forecast is for oil prices to fall 5.5 per cent this year and non-oil commodity prices to slide 9 per cent. It has modelled worse scenarios - one for a 20 per cent slide in oil prices and a bigger slide in minerals and energy prices.

Each of its scenarios is worse than envisioned in the government’s December budget update, calling into question the government’s forecast of a 2012/13 budget surplus.

Acting Treasurer Bill Shorten said the budget would “obviously be hit”.

“The past year was difficult and disappointing for the global economy. The outlook for 2012 looks even more challenging,” he said responding to the World Bank report.

“But the Australian economy is now around 7 per cent larger than it was prior to the global financial crisis. By way of comparison, the United States is just back to – or above – where it was. We have a proven track record having fought off the global recession and the worst the world can throw at us.”

The Bank is forecasting worldwide economic growth of just 2.5 per cent this year, down from its previous forecast of 3.6 per cent. Anything less than 3 per cent is commonly defined as a global recession.

World trade would grow by only 4.7 per cent, down from 6.6 per cent in 2011.

China would continue to grow strongly, but by 8.4 per cent, down from 9.1 per cent. High income nations would grow by just 1.4 per cent half the previously forecast 2.7 per cent.

A separate Westpac consumer survey released yesterday found confidence still weaker than it was before the November and December rate cuts despite a slight uptick in January. Four in every ten consumers surveyed believed their family finance had worsened over the past year. Only two in every ten believed they had improved.

Specialty Fashion Group, which runs the women’s chains Katies, La Senza and Millers, reported worse than expected December half sales and said if current conditions continued it would have to close 120 of its stores over three years.

Published in today's SMH and Age






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Wednesday, December 14, 2011

If I hear one more person tell me to bring down the dollar - straight talk from Parkinson

Treasury boss Martin Parkinson is losing patience with people who call for action to bring down the dollar.

“I will be completely open with you,” he told the Sydney Institute last night. “Anybody who thinks you talk down the dollar or talk up the dollar is a fool.”

“I mean what drives the dollar? What’s driven it up is the rising terms of trade. The world is trying to give us a massive amount of wealth.”

“If I tried to lower the dollar I would be really saying I am going to take part of that wealth, pour petrol on it, and I’m going to burn it.”

“If you want to live in that world, that’s fine, but I don’t think it’s sensible for the long-term living standards of the Australian people.”

The Treasury secretary also took a swipe at ratings agencies who he said were trying to overcompensate for past mistakes...

“They are becoming mechanistic and excessively simplistic, running the risk of moving from excessive optimism to excessive pessimism every time they look at a country or firm. If you’ve got a small check list of indicators and you bang through it, you never really understand the circumstances.”

China was succeeding in slowing its economy without a hard landing. “I am not worried about it,” Dr Parkinson said. “The more we can get them to start to using proper instruments of monetary policy rather than direct lending controls the better we will all be.”

Europe would almost certainly enter recession next year. The only question was about how deep it would be and how long it would last.

“Our assessment is that if everything goes well the recession could be shallow and over soon,” he said. “ If it doesn’t it could be protracted indeed.”

Greece in particular was in a vicious circle. Every time it reassessed its economic situation it revised down growth and wound back its budget, pushing down economic growth further.

Its economy was now expected to sink 8 per cent over two years and the budget would need to shrink almost 25 per cent over three years.

Fortunes in the United States appear to have turned, but the failure of the Congressional committee tasked with finding budget savings has triggered automatic spending cuts that were likely to cut US GDP by up to 0.75 percentage points in 2013, “a potentially significant shock to what was still likely to be only a still modest recovery”.

Published in today's SMH and Age


A Year in Retrospect, A Decade in Prospect - Dr Martin Parkinson


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Monday, December 12, 2011

Return of the Master. Keynes won.

"Since 2010, a Europe-wide experiment has conclusively falsified the idea that fiscal contractions are expansionary."

Paul Krugman points to this piece by economic historian Kevin O’Rourke:

"One lesson that the world has learned since the financial crisis of 2008 is that a contractionary fiscal policy means what it says: contraction. Since 2010, a Europe-wide experiment has conclusively falsified the idea that fiscal contractions are expansionary. August 2011 saw the largest monthly decrease in eurozone industrial production since September 2009, German exports fell sharply in October, and now-casting.com is predicting declines in eurozone GDP for late 2011 and early 2012.

A second, related lesson is that it is difficult to cut nominal wages, and that they are certainly not flexible enough to eliminate unemployment. That is true even in a country as flexible, small, and open as Ireland, where unemployment increased last month to 14.5%, emigration notwithstanding, and where tax revenues in November ran 1.6% below target as a result. If the nineteenth-century “internal devaluation” strategy to promote growth by cutting domestic wages and prices is proving so difficult in Ireland, how does the EU expect it to work across the entire eurozone periphery?

The world nowadays looks very much like the theoretical world that economists have traditionally used to examine the costs and benefits of monetary unions. The eurozone members’ loss of ability to devalue their exchange rates is a major cost. Governments’ efforts to promote wage cuts, or to engineer them by driving their countries into recession, cannot substitute for exchange-rate devaluation. Placing the entire burden of adjustment on deficit countries is a recipe for disaster.
"

End of argument?

And here's an excellent long piece from the NewYorker on the return of the master.






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Tuesday, October 25, 2011

Evidence: Stimulus spending creates jobs

Delightfully, it is evidence from a Coalition program

It’s been one of the most fiercely-fought debates of financial crisis, conducted mainly in the absence of evidence: Do government stimulus programs create jobs?

The Coalition has derided Labor’s stimulus programs as “wasted money”. Labor says without the tens of billions it spent building school halls, insulating home roofs and sending cheques to taxpayers Australia’s unemployment rate would have skyrocketed.

Today the journal Economic Letters, publishes an attempt at an answer.

Economists Christine Neill and Andrew Leigh have been able to do what those before them have not: measure the effect of stimulus spending on individual regions by comparing those that received stimulus dollars with those that did not.

Christine Neill is an Australian at Wilfrid Laurier University in Canada. Andrew Leigh was until recently an economist at the Australian National University and is now a Labor MP. He completed the research while at the ANU but the long delays in the journal process mean it has only now been published.

The usual problem in such a study is finding a controls - regions as economically depressed as those that received government payments that had to make do on their own...

It can’t be done for Labor’s stimulus payments. They went to all Australians who fitted the financial criteria and to all regions throughout the country.

But Dr Leigh discovered this wasn’t the case for an earlier program run by the Coalition.

The so-called Roads to Recovery program begun in 2001 directed money for roads to some local councils and not to others.

Dr Leigh found “clear evidence” the money wasn’t evenly directed to regions that needed it. Electorates held by Liberal and National MPs got more funding than those held by Labor.

By using the poorly funded but economically-similar Labor electorates as controls he was able to work out what the big licks of money directed to National and Liberal electorates actually did.

His finding: a 10 per cent increase in stimulus spending in an electorate creases an extra 26 to 78 jobs. The cost per job amounts to $10,000 to $31,000 over a three year period.

“That’s not that expensive,” Dr Leigh told The Age. “At times when the economy is depressed such as during the global financial crisis you would expect the effect to be bigger.”

“As far as I know we are the first to use this method. It has gone through the peer-review process in an internationally recognised journal, so I think it can withstand criticism.”

Published in today's Age


Email from Christine Neill:

If you want to know whether in some particular instance government spending can reduce unemployment, you've got to worry about the fact that an increase in unemployment often causes government spending to increase (eg welfare spending, etc). So if you just look at correlations in the raw data, you will often find that higher government spending is associated with higher unemployment. In econometrics terms, there's an endogeneity problem. There are all sorts of techniques used to get around that problem in the macroeconometric literature (policy experiment case studies (wars studies), vector autoregressions, or various calibration-type techniques). All are somewhat contentious. A typical microeconometric approach is to find an instrumental variable - in this case, something that is correlated with a change in government spending, but that is not itself likely correlated with a change in unemployment. Here, we used politics. Previously, Andrew Leigh had found that electorates with (then government) National/Liberal reps got more spending in the Roads to Recovery program. We find that those electorates also had a bigger drop in unemployment than other electorates, suggesting that the higher spending in an electorate via Roads to Recovery led to lower unemployment in that electorate. While you can't extrapolate from this to overall fiscal policy effects (including because you wouldn't expect any crowding out via higher interest rates, which is a concern with national-level fiscal policies), it is interesting that in even a very small jurisdiction government funded local infrastructure spending seems to be sticky, and to increase local employment.

There are a couple of other recent papers that try to take the same basic econometric approach: Nakamura and Steinsson: "Fiscal Stimulus in a Monetary Union: Evidence from US Regions" (uses military buildups in particular regions); and perhaps more interestingly: Mafia and Public Spending: Evidence on the Fiscal Multiplier from a Quasi-Experiment (this one is somewhat closer in spirit to our paper). They both have fairly similar findings, of quite large effects of government spending at the local level.




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