Showing posts with label budget. Show all posts
Showing posts with label budget. Show all posts

Thursday, March 24, 2022

Cut emissions, not petrol tax. The budget economists want

Overwhelmingly, Australia’s top economists would rather the budget funds measures to cut carbon emissions than cuts income tax or company tax.

They are also dead against rumoured cuts to petrol tax and the tax on beer.

The Conversation’s pre-budget survey of a panel of 46 leading economists selected by the Economic Society of Australia finds almost half want a budget deficit smaller than the A$99.2 billion expected for 2021-22 and the $98.9 billion forecast for 2022-23 in the December budget update.

Higher commodity prices and lower than expected unemployment – which is lifting tax revenue while also cutting spending on benefits – is set to produce a deficit tens of billions of dollars lower, perhaps as low as $65 billion, absent new spending.

But a substantial chunk of those surveyed (41%) want an unchanged or bigger deficit to boost spending in other areas, including an accelerated transition to net-zero carbon emissions and Australia’s defence.



Arguing for a deficit about as big as last year’s, former OECD official Adrian Blundell-Wignall said while spending on defence was important, so too was spending on supply lines to make Australia less dependent on other countries. Events in the Ukraine showed supply chains were as important as weapons.

Curtin University’s Margaret Nowak said the huge reconstruction needs following the floods in NSW and Queensland suggested there was no potential to reduce the deficit and good reasons why it might climb.

Arguing with the majority in favour of a lower deficit, independent economist Nicki Hutley said the government should bank rather than spend any improved psoition to reduce debt ahead of higher interest rates. It would need “reserves at the ready” to deal with economic and geopolitical uncertainty.

James Morley of the University of Sydney said with the economy on the road to recovery, more government handouts would be likely to be inflationary, making it harder for the Reserve Bank to keep inflation within its target band.



Asked to pick up to two spending or tax bonus measures from a list of twelve that would most deserve a place in the budget, more than 60% of those surveyed nominated spending on the transition to net zero carbon emissions.

University of Adelaide economist Sue Richardson said if she had the option, she would have picked “remove all subsidies to fossil fuels”. More than 90% of Australia’s energy now comes from fossil fuels. Reducing that – as the government has said it expects to do to get to net zero emissions by 2050 – will require a massive effort, “made much harder by starting so late”.

More than 32% of those surveyed backed increases subsidies for childcare, in part because it would allow more parents to do more paid work. More than 26% supported a temporary boost to JobSeeker and other payments; 13% supported increased defence spending; and 10.9% supported infrastructure spending and investment in domestic manufacturing.

Asked which of the measures should not be adopted, almost half (45%) picked a reduction in beer tax, and almost 35% nominated a reduction in fuel excise.



Saul Eslake said “gimmicks” such as cuts in beer or petrol excise failed to address the reality that Russia’s invasion of Ukraine had serious economic consequences for Australia, including reducing national income. Governments can’t “pretend this hasn’t happened”.

Instead, what governments could do was ensure Australia’s lowest earners don’t bear the brunt of that economic pain.

The best ways to do this were temporary increases in social security payments, or a one-off special payment, and tax rebates for genuine low earners.

Eslake would fund them from the extra tax that will flow from the companies and shareholders who will benefit from the higher commodity prices following Russia’s invasion.

UNSW Sydney’s Nigel Stapledon was sceptical about higher social security payments. Given Australia’s experiencing a near five-decade low in unemployment, and unprecedentedly high number of job vacancies, he said it was hard to justify a higher rate of JobSeeker.

Also high on the list of measures panellists felt should not be adopted were further company tax cuts (21.7%) and bringing forward the Stage 3 tax cuts income tax cuts directed at high earners and due to start in July 2024 (21.9%).

The budget will be delivered on Tuesday night.


Individual responses:

Peter Martin, Visiting Fellow, Crawford School of Public Policy, Australian National University

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

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Sunday, October 25, 2020

‘Could do better’: top Australian economists award the budget a cautious pass

Australia’s leading economists have struggled to grade this month’s budget.

Challenged by the Economic Society of Australia and The Conversation to rate it on a scale of A to F when judged by its stated aims of rebuilding the economy and creating jobs, none of the 43 economists who responded gave it the lowest grades of E or F.

But most who gave it a pass were unhappy.

Financial markets expert Kevin Davis praised “the willingness of a conservative government to adopt needed large deficit spending at variance with its ideology”.

Economic modeller and former Reserve Bank board member Warwick McKibbin said he would give it an A for scale.

But Davis said tax cuts “to the better-off employed” weren’t the best way of achieving desired outcomes, and McKibbin said the composition could have been much better designed.


Read more: It's not the size of the budget deficit that counts; it's how you use it


“There was an opportunity to invest in green infrastructure as part of a fiscal response and a climate/energy policy response that would have longer-term economic and environmental payoffs,” McKibbin said.

“For spending support, transfers to low income households rather than income tax cuts would have given a bigger bang for the buck. Greater support of childcare would support incomes and labour supply.”

Bob Breunig said the design of the childcare benefit created a well-documented income cliff for second earners making it difficult for them to work more hours. It was a known problem and would have been easy to fix.

Hard hats instead of soft skills

The Grattan Institute’s Danielle Wood said it was “absolutely the right call to change course on fiscal strategy and recognise the need for sizeable stimulus, so marks for that”.

But the budget “very much bet the house on a private sector-led recovery”.

Where it had spent money directly it mostly went to “hard-hat” professions such as infrastructure, construction, manufacturing, defence, utilities and energy.


Read more: High-viz, narrow vision: the budget overlooks the hardest hit in favour of the hardest hats


“Some of these sectors haven’t even seen job losses during COVID,” Wood said, and there is already a healthy pipeline of work for transport infrastructure projects, so why spend your stimulus dollars here?“

Renee Fry McKibbin noted that the burden of COVID-19 falls on front-line workers in health, caring industries, hospitality, tourism, arts and education, yet she said the budget focused on sectors "traditionally dominated by men”.

Climate change overlooked

Wood said the price of those blindspots would be a weaker recovery than otherwise, unemployment higher for longer than it could have been, and women’s economic disadvantage entrenched.

Labour market specialist Sue Richardson said relying on incentives such as instant asset write-offs and hiring subsidies was risky because the private sector might not respond in the way that had been hoped.

What direct spending there was seemed “intended largely to recreate the economy of the past, rather than invest in the economy of the future”.


Read more: Budget 2020: promising tax breaks, but relying on hope


“The economy of the future will, among other things, need to have much lower greenhouse gas emissions and much greater ability to cope with the unavoidable damage arising from climate change.”

How we handle the recovery will either set us on a path towards net-zero emissions or lock us into a fossil fuel system from which it will be hard to escape.

Saul Eslake gave the government “great credit for being willing, explicitly, to recalibrate its budget strategy” and run up what (for Australia) were large amounts of debt.

On average, a bare pass

But he said the measures chosen would be less effective in delivering jobs and recovery than others available including vouchers for spending in sectors hard-hit sectors and spending on social housing and childcare.

All but one of the 43 economists who responded to the survey also responded to the pre-budget survey which nominated spending on social housing, education and training and permanently boosting JobSeeker as the top budget priorities.

Assessing the budget, 16 of the 43 (37%) awarded it either an A or a B. Almost half (49%) awarded it a C, or “bare pass”. Six (14%) gave it a D.


43
The Conversation, CC BY-ND

Some of the economists who awarded a B said it was really a “B-minus”

One of them, Lata Gangadharan, said when it came to opportunities for women (those worst affected by the downturn) the budget “failed miserably” and would attract a D.

James Morley said he might have been “too easy of a marker” by awarding a B, but that it was “possible to lose the forest for the trees when only evaluating the budget on its specifics”.

‘B’ reflects the big picture, not the details

The big picture was that deficit-financed stimulus was needed and that the budget provided much more than might have been expected given the previous positions of the treasury and the Morrison government.

He said the forward guidance that put off “budget repair” until after the unemployment rate fell below 6% was welcome, even if one could ask why the threshold of 6% number had been chosen.

The more one looks at the details, the more one wants to significantly mark down the grade for budget. But I will still give it a “B” because the big picture is on the right track and I will just hope the Treasurer somehow becomes an “A” student in the future.

Rana Roy said he would have to grade the budget a C rather than an A or B, “more in sorrow than in anger”.

While he approved of the deficits and the tax cuts and the focus on infrastructure, he strongly suspected the measures would not be enough.

“For example, in an immediate sense it is likely that the negative impact of tapering and terminating JobKeeper will overpower the positive impact of the new wage subsidies for new hires.”


Read more: Top economists back boosts to JobSeeker and social housing over tax cuts in pre-budget poll


Two of those surveyed awarded the budget a B primarily because it had shown restraint. Tony Makin said too much spending would have pushed up the dollar and drawn resources away from the private sector. Geoffrey Kingston said it was important to avoid “maxing out the national credit card”.

Chris Edmond awarded it a C primarily because its assumptions relied on hope.

By simply assuming a widespread effective vaccine will be available next year and not otherwise thinking hard about how to beat the pandemic, the government is being very optimistic.

Others said it had ignored the one thing recommended by most economists, which was to invest in social housing to make housing affordable and create jobs.

A permanent increase JobSeeker would have given a million Australian confidence in the leadup to Christmas. Higher education, a major export earner with a direct impact on productivity, was being left to shrink.

John Quiggin said the budget pursued “cultural/ideological vendettas against perceived enemies like renewable energy and the university sector”.

But he said it was still worth a C. The government was right to budget for a large deficit, and deserved continuing credit for JobSeeker and JobKeeper.


Individual responses

The Conversation

Peter Martin, Visiting Fellow, Crawford School of Public Policy, Australian National University

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

Read more >>

Monday, September 28, 2020

Top economists back boosts to JobSeeker and social housing over tax cuts in pre-budget poll

Overwhelmingly, Australia’s leading economists want the budget to boost social housing and the JobSeeker unemployment benefit rather than bring forward personal income tax cuts.

The 49 eminent economists who responded to Conversation-Economic Society of Australia pre-budget survey were asked to rate 13 options in terms of “bang for the buck” – effectiveness in boosting the economy over the next two years.

Among the options offered were boosting JobSeeker (previously called Newstart), wage subsidies beyond the expiry of JobKeeper, one-off cash payments to households, big infrastructure spending, bringing forward the personal income tax cuts, and company tax cuts.

The options were selected by a committee of the central council of the Economics Society and were presented to each surveyed economist in a random (shuffled) order.

The economists surveyed are Australia’s leaders in the fields of microeconomics, macroeconomics, economic modelling and public policy. Among them are former and current government advisers, former heads of statutory authorities, and a former member of the Reserve Bank board.

Each was asked to nominate the four most effective options for boosting the economy.


Economic Society of Australia/The Conversation, CC BY-ND

The most popular option, endorsed by 55% of those surveyed, was boosting spending on social housing.

Monash University econometrician Lisa Cameron said the budget provided an unusual opportunity to fix things for the long term while boosting the economy.

Social housing would leave us with something worthwhile (as did the school hall building program during the global financial crisis) in addition to providing work for the building industry. Alleviating homelessness would be a lasting benefit.

If it goes to the unemployed, it will be spent

The second most popular option, endorsed by 51%, was permanently boosting JobSeeker, previously known Newstart. The temporary boost in the A$282.85 per week payment was wound back last week and will end in December.

Melbourne University economist John Freebairn pointed out that with no real increase in Newstart since 1993 and many on it in demonstrable poverty, every extra cent spent on it will be spent rather than saved.

Supported by fewer than half of those surveyed, but third most popular at 45%, was more funding for education and training.


Read more: Should the government keep running up debt to get us out of the crisis? Overwhelmingly, economists say yes


Flinders University labour market specialist Sue Richardson said education was labour-intensive, which would help with employment, and would assist young people severely hit by the pandemic to get the skills they would need to get jobs rather than stay unemployed.

Matthew Butlin, who heads the South Australian Productivity Commission, said the decimation of income from student fees means universities will have less money to subsidise research. There was a case for more direct funding of university research in the form of competitive grants for projects with practical applications.

The fourth most popular option was infrastructure spending, supported by 41%.

Why not a Hoover Dam, a new Opera House?

Many made the point that the projects chosen would have to be worthwhile in their own right, and feared this might not be the case. Others looked to big “nation building” projects along the lines of the Hoover Dam in the United States which was built during the Great Depression and employed 21,000 people.

“Why not building a massive dam in Australia? Why not building a new Sydney Symphony Orchestra building like the Berlin Philharmonie? Why not expand the National Parks? Why not building green libraries all over Australia?,” asked Sydney University’s Stefanie Schurer.


Read more: Homelessness and overcrowding expose us all to coronavirus. Here's what we can do to stop the spread


Done right, like the Sydney Harbour Bridge which was completed during the Great Depression, big imaginative projects could leave us with something valuable.

There was less enthusiasm for continued wage subsidies (35%) and an expanded investment allowance (29%) with University of NSW economist Gigi Foster saying investment allowances could be replaced with income-contingent loans along the lines of the Higher Education Contributions Scheme.

That way businesses could borrow to invest, with an obligation to repay if the investment paid off.

If it goes on tax cuts, it might not be spent

The same approach was taken by some to funding higher quality aged care (supported by 31%) and increasing subsidies for child care (29%).

Economic modeller Warwick McKibbin suggested funding child care through income-contingent loans (repayable on the basis of income) rather than subsidies.

Bringing forward the leglislated personal income tax cuts as proposed by the government and cash payments to households were relatively unpopular, supported by 20% and 16%.

Saul Eslake said that while he agreed with the treasurer that early tax cuts would “put money in people’s pockets”, there was no guarantee the high earners “into whose pockets most of that money would be put”, would take it out and spend it in sufficient quantity.


Read more: Frydenberg is setting his budget ambition dangerously low


Eslake suggested that rather than supporting households with cheques as happened during the financial crisis, households could be handed time-limited tradeable vouchers that could be spent in areas hurt by restrictions, such tourism and the arts, or used for other worthwhile purposes such as childcare or reskilling.

Among those who did support bringing forward the tax cuts was John Freebairn, who said that although presented as cuts, what was proposed would do little more than restore what had been lost to bracket creep, keeping income tax steady.

Company tax cuts an also-ran

Company tax cuts, once touted by former prime minister Malcolm Turnbull as the key to jobs and qrowth garnered minimal support, being backed by just six of the 49 economists surveyed.

The least popular option, backed by only two economists surveyed, was government support for cleaner fossil fuels such as natural gas, as the prime minister is promising. In contrast 13 (26%) backed support for renewable energy.


Individual responses

The Conversation

Peter Martin, Visiting Fellow, Crawford School of Public Policy, Australian National University

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

Read more >>

Monday, November 04, 2019

We asked 13 economists how to fix things. All back the RBA governor over the treasurer

Thirteen leading economists have declared their hands in the stand off between the government and the Governor of the Reserve Bank over the best way to boost the economy.

All 13 back Reserve Bank Governor Philip Lowe.

They say that, by itself, the Reserve Bank cannot be expected to do everything extra that will be needed to boost the economy.

All think that extra stimulus will be needed, and all think it’ll have to come from Treasurer Josh Frydenberg, as well as the bank.

All but two say the treasurer should be prepared to sacrifice his goal of an immediate budget surplus in order to provide it.

The 13 are members of the 20-person economic forecasting panel assembled by The Conversation at the start of this year.

All but one have been surprised by the extent of the economic slowdown.


Read more: No surplus, no share market growth, no lift in wage growth. Economic survey points to bleaker times post-election


The 13 represent ten universities in five states.

Among them are macroeconomists, economic modellers, former Treasury, IMF, OECD and Reserve Bank officials and a former government minister.

The Bank needs help

At issue is the government’s contention, spelled out by Frydenberg’s treasury secretary Steven Kennedy in evidence to the Senate last month, that there is usually little role for government spending and tax (“fiscal”) measures in stimulating the economy in the event of a downturn.

Absent a crisis, economic weakness was “best responded to by monetary policy”.

Monetary policy – the adjustment of interest rates by the Reserve Bank – is nearing the end of its effectiveness in its present form. The bank has already cut its cash rate to close to zero (0.75%) and will consider another cut on Tuesday.

It is preparing to consider so-called “unconventional” measures, including buying bonds in order to force longer-term interest rates down toward zero.


Read more: If you want to boost the economy, big infrastructure projects won't cut it: new Treasury boss


Governor Lowe has made the case for “fiscal support, including through spending on infrastructure” saying there are limits to what monetary policy can achieve.

The 13 economists unanimously back the Governor.

Seven of the 13 say what is needed most is fiscal stimulus (including extra government spending on infrastructure), three say both fiscal and monetary measures are needed, and three want government “structural reform”, including measures to help the economy deal with climate change and remove red tape.

None say the Reserve Bank should be left to fight the downturn by itself without further help from the government.

There is plenty of room for fiscal stimulus, particularly infrastructure spending – Mark Crosby, Monash University

I agree with the emerging consensus that monetary policy is no longer effective when interest rates are so low – Ross Guest, Griffith University

It is time for coordinated monetary and fiscal policies to boost domestic demand – Guay Lim, Melbourne Institute

The surplus can wait

Eleven of the 13 believe the government should abandon its determination to deliver a budget surplus in 2019-20.

Economic modeller Renee Fry-McKibbin says the government should “ease its position of a surplus at all costs”.

Former Commonwealth Treasury and ANZ economist Warren Hogan says achieving a surplus in the current environment would have “zero value”.

Former OECD director Adrian Blundell-Wignall says that rather than aiming for an overall budget surplus, the government should aim instead for an “net operating balance”, a proposal that was put forward by Scott Morrison as treasurer in 2017.

The approach would move worthwhile infrastructure spending and borrowing onto a separate balance sheet that would not need to balance.

Political debate would focus instead on whether the annual operating budget was balanced or in deficit.

Former treasury and IMF economist Tony Makin is one of only two economists surveyed who backs the government’s continued pursuit of a surplus, saying annual interest payments on government debt have reached A$14 billion, “four times the foreign aid budget and almost twice as much as federal spending on higher education”.

Further deterioration of the balance via “facile fiscal stimulus” would risk Australia’s creditworthiness.

However Makin doesn’t think the government should leave everything to the Reserve Bank.

He has put forward a program of extra spending on infrastructure projects that meet rigorous criteria, along with company tax cuts or investment allowances paid for by government spending cuts.

Former trade minister Craig Emerson also wants an investment allowance, suggesting businesses should be able to immediately deduct 20% of eligible spending.

It’s an idea put forward by Labor during the 2019 election campaign. Treasurer Josh Frydenberg has indicated something like it is being considered for the 2020 budget.

Emerson says it should be possible to deliver both the investment allowance and a budget surplus.

Quantitative easing would be a worry

Five of the 13 economists are concerned about the Reserve Bank adopting so-called “unconvential” measures such as buying government and private sector bonds in order to push long-term interest rates down toward zero, a practice known as quantitative easing.

Jeffrey Sheen and Renee Fry-McKibbin say it should be kept in reserve for emergencies.

Adrian Blundell-Wignall and Mark Crosby say it hasn’t worked in the countries that have tried it.

A quantitative easing avalanche policy by the European central bank larger than the entire UK economy has left inflation below target and growth fading. Quantitative easing destroys the interbank market, under-prices risk, and encourages leverage and asset speculation – Adrian Blundell-Wignall

Steve Keen says in both Europe and the United States quantitative easing enriched banks and drove up asset prices but did little to boost consumer spending, “because the rich don’t consume much of the wealth”.

The treasurer should step up

Taken together, the responses of the 13 economists suggest it is ultimately the government’s responsibility to ensure the economy doesn’t weaken any further, and that it would be especially unwise to palm it off on to the Reserve Bank at a time when the bank’s cash rate is close to zero and the effectiveness of the unconventional measures it might adopt is in doubt.

Measures the government could adopt include increasing the rate of the Newstart unemployment benefit, boosting funding for schools and skills training, borrowing for well-chosen infrastructure projects with a social rate of return greater than the cost of borrowing, further tax cuts that double as tax reform (including further tax breaks for business investment) and spending more on programs aimed at avoiding the worst of climate change and adapting to it.

The economists are backing the governor in his plea for help. They think he needs it.


The 13 economists surveyed


Read more: Buckle up. 2019-20 survey finds the economy weak and heading down, and that's ahead of surprises The Conversation


Peter Martin, Visiting Fellow, Crawford School of Public Policy, Australian National University

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

Read more >>

Thursday, May 24, 2018

How Turnbull can back down on company tax, 'obviously'

How do you walk away from something to which you’ve committed your soul? You say things have changed, “obviously”.

It’s how marriages end in divorce, how deputies abandon their prime ministers and how Labor treasurer Wayne Swan quietly but spectacularly abandoned his absolute commitment to a budget surplus in late 2012.

He had been holding the line for half a decade, promising in his first budget “the largest surplus as a share of GDP in nearly a decade”, and then in his second, after the surplus evaporated during the financial crisis, “hard choices that chart the course back to surplus”.

In his third it was a “return to surplus in three years' time, three years ahead of schedule, and ahead of every major advanced economy”.

In his fourth it was an upgraded surplus, “back in the black by 2012‑13, on time, as promised”.

And then in his fifth, an even grander pledge: “Madam Deputy Speaker, the four years of surpluses I announce tonight are a powerful endorsement of the strength of our economy, resilience of our people, and success of our policies.

“This budget delivers a surplus this coming year, on time, as promised, and surpluses each year after that, strengthening over time. The deficit years of the global recession are behind us, the surplus years are here.”

Along the way he contorted language to avoid even conceding the possibility that he would never deliver a surplus.

“Let me hear in plain English that the budget is within a hair’s breadth of going into deficit,” the ABC’s Kerry O’Brien asked him as the financial crisis gathered pace. “It seems silly to me that anybody would bother to argue that proposition. Will you accept going into deficit, if you have to, to maintain appropriate stimulus of the economy under the threat of recession and high unemployment?”

Swan: “Kerry, it would be silly to speculate along the lines of your question.”

O’Brien: “Why?”

Swan: “Because I've made it clear. We are projecting modest growth and modest surpluses, but if the situation were to deteriorate significantly it would have an impact on our surpluses and it may well be the case that we could end up in the area that you're speculating about.

O’Brien: “Well, say it. In deficit.”

Swan: “I am not going to say it because we're projecting modest surpluses.”

Incredibly, in October 2012, a year before Labor lost office and four months into the financial year that was meant to deliver the continually forecast surplus, the mid-year budget update still penciled one in, albeit assisted by fancy accounting tricks. It was “absolutely appropriate to stick with our surplus objective”, Swan told reporters.

Until December 20, days before Christmas, at which point Swan opened a press conference expressing dismay that the October tax receipts had been well below forecasts.

“Obviously, dramatically lower tax revenue now makes it unlikely that there will be a surplus in 2012-13,” he intoned, as if he had been caught unawares. “A sledgehammer hit our revenues.”

I’ve retold that story to make it clear that even the most unlikely backdowns are easy for politicians, even after repeated declarations of undying fidelity.

All through the on-again off-again negotiations with senators over the company tax cuts, Malcolm Turnbull has maintained that he is “absolutely” committed to the remaining $35.6 billion, and, if necessary, will take them to the next election.

“The Prime Minister did not leave any wiggle room at all,” said his chief negotiator, Mathias Cormann, in February at an earlier time when it looked as if hope had been lost. “We are completely and utterly committed to our business tax cuts. They were very necessary at the last election, we took them to the last election. They will be even more important by the time of the next election. If the Senate were not to pass these very important business tax cuts, yes, we will fight for them at the next election.”

No wiggle room.

Until a moment of zen on Tuesday after Pauline Hanson had what is probably her fourth change of heart.

“We might not ever get to that point,” Cormann said when asked if the company tax cuts might ever get through the Senate. He repeated, for emphasis: “It might well be that we won’t ever get there.”

Cormann insists that he wasn’t paving the way for a last-minute backdown, but if it happened, just before the election, the lines would be delivered without shame, as were Swan’s when the economy and his government headed south. Things would have changed, “obviously”. Cormann would have $35.6 billion more to offer in real tax cuts - income tax cuts - to people who vote.

And probably much more. The Coalition won’t reveal the updated 10-year budget cost of its company tax cuts because it doesn’t want Labor to know how much it will have to offer that it can’t.

Like Labor, it could promise to revisit its company tax cuts later, when the budget and the Senate permitted.

It’d be acknowledging reality, shamefacedly, and promising more to voters now, rather than years down the track when the small and uncertain impact of uncertain company tax cuts worked its way through the system.

In The Age and Sydney Morning Herald
Read more >>

Thursday, December 07, 2017

Now they can afford a tax cut?

So now they can afford a tax cut?

Just months ago, in the May budget, Scott Morrison and Malcolm Turnbull pushed tax rates up. That's right, up. They lifted the Medicare levy from 2 to 2.5 per cent, beginning in 2019. It'll net them $4 billion a year, money they said they needed to fund the National Disability Insurance Scheme.

And now they can afford a cut?

Maybe they didn't really need the extra money for the National Disability Insurance Scheme after all. And there's an extremely flimsy argument that they didn't.

The mid-year budget update, due within the fortnight, is likely to show the budget is slightly better off. Unexpectedly strong company tax revenue in the first four months of the financial year has put the budget almost $5 billion ahead of target.

Much of it flows from a better than expected run up in commodity prices, which we now know didn't last. But that wouldn't stop an optimistic forecaster or an optimistic government from acting as if it would last and handing out permanent tax cuts of up to $5 billion per year.

The most successful private sector budget forecaster is Deloitte Access Economics, whose senior staff used to prepare the official forecasts when they were in Treasury.

Deloitte says that by the end of the financial year, revenue will be only $2.7 billion ahead of the budget and only $0.9 billion ahead in the following year. It produced a ready reckoner to enable us to calculate what kind of a tax cut those boosts could buy if it was permanent, which it almost certainly will not be.

Three billion could buy a lift in the $18,200 threshold to $19,200 and a lift in the $37,000 threshold to $38,000. That's all.

One billion, a more realistic, though still inflated, guess as to how much extra the government might have long term, couldn't even buy the lift from $37,000 to $38,000. Deloitte director Chris Richardson says it would buy a small sandwich or a small milkshake.

Unless the proposed tax cut applied to hardly anyone, which is a trick they've pulled repeatedly. Lifting the $87,000 threshold by $1000 costs only $110 million per year; lifting the $180,000 threshold costs only $30 million.

It's something to keep in mind if we once again get tax cuts skewed towards the top. It mightn't be so much a case of the Coalition helping out high income mates as making a gesture it can afford.

Middle earners are about to get clobbered. The government's own figures, spelt out by the Parliamentary Budget Office, show the average tax rate faced by middle-income Australians on $40,000 to $50,000 is about to climb 3 percentage points. Within four years.

Instead of handing over 14.9 per cent of their income after low starting rates and the tax-free threshold, middle earners will find themselves handing over 18.1 per cent. Within four years. It's the result of bracket creep, and the increase in the Medicare levy. And the projected return to surplus in 2020-21 depends on it.

The only ways to deliver serious tax relief are to push out further the projected return to surplus (just as it has been pushed out repeatedly by treasurers dating back to Wayne Swan), to fund the needed tax cuts with big spending cuts (something this government and the last have been incapable of, even in non-election years), or to fund the tax cuts by lifting other taxes.

Or by hoping something comes along.

And there's the magic pudding.

Here's how Finance Minister Mathias Cormann put it in a speech to the Business Council last month:

"Something that we keep pointing out again and again, but which doesn't ever seem to be appropriately well understood by analysts or commentators, is that our budget revenue forecasts are based on an assumption imposed on our forecasting model that tax revenue as a share of GDP is not allowed to exceed 23.9 per cent."

"Future tax cuts are already reflected in our revenue forecasting methodology."

He is right. Already baked into the budget projections are tax cuts from 2022-23 when the tax share of GDP is due to hit 23.9 per cent, which is the average take in the years between the introduction of the GST and the global financial crisis.

Five years into the future though those baked in tax cuts will be, they could be delivered as income tax cuts. Except that they mostly won't be, not if the government gets its full company tax cut through the Senate.

The Parliamentary Budget Office says if that happens, the company tax cut will do most of the heavy lifting needed to keep the tax to GDP ratio at 23.9 per cent, leaving little room for cuts in personal income tax, which will "continue to rise as a per cent of GDP".

There's not likely to be a magic pudding, unless the government prioritises personal tax cuts over company tax cuts or gets hit by another mining boom.

Treat sceptically proffered income tax cuts in the months beyond Christmas. They'll be either unaffordable or alarmingly small.

 

In The Age and Sydney Morning Herald
Read more >>

Wednesday, March 01, 2017

Battle over budget as Morrison won't commit to saving windfall

Australia's top economic bureaucrat has begged the government not to spend the coming windfall from soaring coal and iron ore prices, saying if it did it would repeat the mistakes of prime minister John Howard and treasurer Peter Costello in the early 2000s.

Treasury secretary John Fraser was appearing before the Senate economics committee 10 weeks before the May budget and just ahead of economic growth figures showing the strongest rebound in national income in half a decade.

Australia's real gross domestic product soared 1.1 per cent in the December quarter after slipping 0.5 per cent in the September quarter. Over the year to December, it grew 2.4 per cent, up from 1.8 per cent, and close to the Treasury forecast.

More importantly for the budget, the nominal measure of GDP, which takes account of higher cash incomes from high export prices, climbed 3 per cent in the quarter and 6.1 per cent over the year. The terms of trade surged 9.1 per cent in the quarter, the most since 2010.

Treasury analysis included in the 2016 budget found that a sustained jump of 10 per cent in the terms of trade would boost the tax take by between $2 billion and $5 billion per year.

Mr Fraser told the committee that if the terms of trade stayed high, the government should "prioritise budget repair and ensure that any additional revenue is banked as an improvement to the budget bottom line".

"We need to take great care not to fall into the trap of spending unexpectedly higher revenue, should it arise, in a way that would structurally weaken the budget as may have occurred through the early 2000s," he said.

Asked whether he would hang on to rather than spend any extra revenue as his departmental secretary wanted, Treasurer Scott Morrison told a Parliament House press conference it was "not clear" what position he would take.

"There's still some months to go before we reach a position to make that decision," he said. "We'll revisit that before the budget, so until we're in a position to do that – I mean, the answer to the question depends on the decisions which have not yet been taken."

Later, an official from the Treasurer's office contacted Fairfax Media to office to point out that the government's fiscal strategy outlined in budget documents required it to bank extra revenue resulting from changes in economic conditions.

Deloitte Access director Chris Richardson, a former Treasury official, agreed with Mr Fraser any extra windfall revenue should be banked, but said that "getting the government of the day to bank a windfall when it is polling poorly" was a big ask.

Reserve Bank figures released on Wednesday showed commodity prices had climbed 60 per cent since January 2016, and by 36 per cent in the last six months.

While some of the extra revenue would take a while to flow through to taxable profits because of the "rain shadow" of earlier losses, the budget should start looking better in 2017-18 and look a lot better by 2020-21, depending on the assumptions that were made about how long the high minerals prices would last.

Profits surged 8.4 per cent in the quarter, propelled by an outsized 16.5 per cent jump in the profits of non-financial (mainly mining) corporations.

But the nation's wage bill fell 0.5 per cent, reflecting what the Bureau of Statistics said was a 0.9 per cent slide in earnings per employee. Mr Morrison said the weak wage result was "disappointing" and that he expected high profits to flow through into higher wages.

The best overall measure of living standards, real net national disposable income per capita, jumped 2.5 per cent in the quarter and 5.3 per cent over the year, the most for five years.

In The Age and Sydney Morning Herald
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Friday, December 09, 2016

Labor attacks 'treasury' report discrediting stimulus

Labor has questioned the bona fides of a report apparently commissioned by the Treasury that plays down the role of big government spending in helping Australia survive the global financial crisis.

Written by Griffith University professor Tony Makin, a long-term critic of the so-called cash-splash during the crisis, it finds "no evidence fiscal stimulus benefited the economy over the medium term".

"In sum, the nature of Australia's fiscal stimulus was misconceived because it emphasised transfers,unproductive expenditure such as school halls and Pink Batts, rather than tax relief and/or supply side reform, as occurred for instance in New Zealand," the paper says.

"Largely implemented after the worst of the crisis had passed, fiscal stimulus countered the effectiveness of monetary policy by keeping market interest rates higher than otherwise and therefore contributed to a strong exchange rate. This worsened Australia's international competitiveness and damaged industries in the internationally exposed sector, particularly manufacturing."

Australia is one of the few countries in the developed world to have escaped recession during the crisis that began in 2008. Others, including New Zealand, did not.

Professor Makin has previously been taken to task by the Treasury for his criticism of economic stimulus during the crisis, which it said was "based on a theoretical model that does not apply in Australia's case in general and assumptions that did not hold during the global financial crisis".

The status of his new paper is unclear. It is dated August 2016 but did not appear on a Treasury website until late Friday morning after requests for it and after two newspapers were apparently given early access to it. Even then, it wasn't placed on the Treasury website itself but on as lesser-known site entitled "Treasury Research Institute" which the treasury says was established earlier this year to report on "topics of interest to Treasury to encourage work or collaboration with Treasury".

Only on Friday afternoon did the treasury create a link to the Treasury Research Institute from its homepage. It said the institute would "regularly publish papers to the site on topical economic and policy issues, written by both external contributors and staff".

Labor treasury spokesman Chris Bowen said he would write to the secretary to the Treasury, John Fraser, to ask why he commissioned work by a "well-known ideological opponent of the stimulus package".

He said its release seemed to have been designed to distract attention from government's backflips over energy policy and to preempt calls for further stimulus in the wake of national accounts figures showing the economy going backwards.

On Wednesday, Treasurer Scott Morrison attacked Labor's spending during the crisis, saying: "They gave money to dead people and thought that was going to grow the economy; that was a nonsense".

Mr Bowen said the Treasurer ought to be concentrating on the present rather than the past.

At the time, the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development and other international bodies had praised Australia's response to the crisis as "one of the best designed and implemented in the world".

In The Age and Sydney Morning Herald
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Sunday, July 17, 2016

Austerity is the giant 'natural experiment' that cost a British treasurer his job

What if the prime minister sacked the treasurer and promised to govern for everyone, not just those near the top?

"That means fighting against the burning injustice that if you're born poor you will die on average nine years earlier than others; if you're black, you're treated more harshly by the criminal justice system than if you're white; if you're a white working-class boy, you're less likely than anybody else to go to university; if you're at a state school, you're less likely to reach the top professions than if you're educated privately; if you're a woman, you will earn less than a man; if you suffer from mental health problems, there's not enough help to hand; if you're young, you'll find it harder than ever before to own your own home."

The prime minister is Britain's Theresa May, outlining a new set of priorities. And yes, she did sack the treasurer as soon as the Queen commissioned her on Wednesday.

George Osborne had been Chancellor of the Exchequer (Britain's treasurer) since the Conservatives won office in 2010. Inheriting an economy only just emerging from the global financial crisis he blamed Labour for the resulting debt and introduced a £40 billion ($70 billion) austerity budget that hiked the goods and services tax and slashed welfare and infrastructure spending in order to quickly restore the budget back to surplus.

I should point out that there's no real parallel in Australia. Despite all their talk about quickly restoring the budget to surplus, Tony Abbott and his treasurer Joe Hockey were far too clever to attempt to do it here, as are Malcolm Turnbull and Scott Morrison.

The ratings agencies applauded, and Britain's economic recovery collapsed. The Nobel Prize-winning economist Paul Krugman says the UK was almost unique in having "gratuitously chosen to pursue austerity".

Six years of depressed economic growth later the ratings agencies took away its AAA credit rating anyway in the wake of Brexit vote. The vote was in part a reaction to what British citizens had had to endure.

Now a new study, by Larry Summers and Antonio Fatas of the US National Bureau of Economic Research, finds that rather than boosting confidence and economic growth as the British treasury had expected, or at least damaging it for only a short time, the austerity budgets in Britain and its neighbours appear to have left "permanent scars", lowering economic growth for good though a process known as hysteresis.

Hysteresis is a scientific word referring to the phenomenon by which when some materials are heated or given an electric charge they change permanently, not reverting to their former state when the heat or charge is removed

While they don't put numbers on the lower economic growth they think Britain will have to permanently endure as a result of the austerity budgets, other estimates suggest the UK economy is 4.5 per cent smaller than it would have been had the budgets not depressed an already weak economy. And to little effect. The wonder of mathematics means that winding back GDP growth in order to cut the debt-to-GDP-ratio itself pushes the ratio up.

Krugman says Britain has just conducted what amounts to a giant natural experiment. We'd be wise to note its results. Theresa May already has.

In The Age and Sydney Morning Herald
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Thursday, April 21, 2016

We need more tax but don't expect Morrison to tell you so

Never before has a budget advertisement been prepared ahead of the budget itself. In fact, rarely before has a budget needed an advertisement.

The leaked script read on Sky News is a bit like something for Seinfeld in that it is a script about nothing. All previous budget advertising campaigns have been about something specific, such as small-business tax breaks.

The government has worked up the ads early because it will have only days to air them before the election is called. After that date, they would be, arguably, illegal. 

They will help the government get its lines straight, however. The government minister who said the Coalition had cut Labor's debt probably needs to know that by doing little to cut the deficit, it has allowed debt to balloon. The minister who said Labor's negative gearing policy would push up house prices probably needs to know that the official line is it would push them down.

The ads will help differentiate the Coalition from Labor. Notwithstanding what's expected to be a blatant attempt to pinch Labor's policy of tightening up on superannuation tax concessions, the Coalition will paint itself as the party that's holding the line against higher taxes.

"When you hear someone say we have a revenue problem, what they are saying is that Australians should be taxed more, that the tax burden on the Australian economy must be increased," Treasurer Scott Morrison says. "Bill Shorten and Chris Bowen agree – that is why they are proposing, even boasting, that they will increase the tax burden on the Australian economy by over $100 billion over the next 10 years."

Morrison is right about Labor and wrong about what's needed. We need more tax. Only the dishonest, the ideologues and the self-deluded would say any different.

Under Tony Abbott's and Malcolm Turnbull's watch, net government debt has grown from $202 billion to $279 billion and over the next three years will head for $347 billion. That needn't be a problem, so long as there is a way to stop it growing.

The annual interest payments on the debt, once zero, have climbed to $11 billion. They are already more than the government shells out on higher education each year and almost half what it spends on defence. Unless payments are pulled back, the government will have less and less room to govern.

The government's Commission of Audit searched for politically palatable ways to cut spending in order to wind back debt and came up short. The credit rating agency Moody's has just done the same thing. Without measures to address revenue, "limited spending cuts are unlikely to meaningfully advance the government's aim of balanced finances by the fiscal year ending June 2021 and government debt will likely continue to climb," Moody's said.

The ultra-establishment Committee for the Economic Development of Australia examined all the options last month and reached the same conclusion. The best way to attack the deficit would be to garner about $16 billion a year from higher taxes, and only $2 billion from cutting spending.

Most of the higher taxes wouldn't have to be particularly painful. High-income super contributions and capital gains would be more fully taxed, the business fuel tax credit scheme would be halved, luxury cars and alcohol and tobacco would be taxed more heavily, and the Private Health Insurance Rebate would be subject to tax.

Included on the committee were two former heads of the Department of Prime Minister and Cabinet and one former Cabinet Secretary. Between them, they have served prime ministers Howard, Gillard, Abbott and Turnbull.

John Daley of the Grattan Institute reaches the same conclusion. He says the government doesn't spend enough on administration to enable cuts to spending on itself to make big savings. For instance, the entire department of health costs $1 billion to run. It is true that it doesn't run state hospitals but it does administer Medicare, so the spending on its staff and computer systems can't be cut to zero. Cuts could be made in grants to states and in payments to individuals such as the pension, but they are the kinds of things we expect the government to provide, leaving the only realistic option to raise more tax.

Last week an open letter from 50 prominent Australians made the same point. It declared that by developed world standards, Australia was a low-tax country. "To have world-class health, education and transport services, we need to collect the revenue to fund them," it said.

Morrison is planning to turn his back on reality on Tuesday week. He'll be assisted by an arguably temporary increase in the price of iron ore, which will boost the budget's revenue forecasts; a fall in the unemployment rate, which will enable the budget to forecast higher income tax revenue than it would have; and a healthy dividend from the Reserve Bank, which has been raking in money as the falling dollar has revalued its foreign currency reserves. None of it will fix the revenue problem long term, but it will enable Morrison to paint himself as the champion of relatively lower taxes.

Down the track, someone is going to have to do the hard work and put taxes up.

In The Age and Sydney Morning Herald
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Thursday, March 31, 2016

Why the states should charge income tax

Suddenly the election is about something else: how our states have had it too good for too long. And about how we've had it even better.

In every previous election we've been able to vote for better hospitals, schools and roads at the state level (which of course we want) and for lower taxes or lower budget deficits at the Commonwealth level (which of course we also want).

We've been able to kid ourselves we can achieve both.

It's been excruciating for our prime ministers and treasurers, and for anyone who cares about things being done properly. Elected in 2013 to cut the deficit without putting up tax, Tony Abbott and Joe Hockey slashed future grants to the states for hospitals and schools by $80 billion over10 years. They said after 2017 they would lift grants for hospitals by only inflation and population growth. The actual cost of running hospitals is climbing much faster.

It's the sort of thing we asked them to do, to find savings to eliminate the deficit. But then the state governments squealed and said they were unable to do the sort of things we asked them to, and pressured Malcolm Turnbull to relent.

He will relent. He'll offer to lift grants more or less in accordance with the actual cost of running hospitals for another three years. But only if the states agree to negotiate in good faith about what happens next. Beyond 2020 he'll revert to the miserly formula of inflation plus population growth. If the states feel they need more (and over time they will) they'll have the option of imposing their own income tax surcharge. Turnbull will cut Commonwealth income tax by a few percentage points to make room, and then allow each state to replace some or all of those points.

Initially the states >would be limited to merely replacing what the Commonwealth took away, but after that they could charge more. In Turnbull's words, they would be "accountable to their own voters".

It would cut both ways. Any state that wanted to offer a Rolls-Royce hospital service would be able to do so, as long as it charged for it through tax. Any state that wanted to keep its taxes low would be able to do that, so long as it offered fewer grand services.

Voters would be able to choose, or in extreme cases move. Queensland (to use a hypothetical example) might want to position itself as the low tax state. Anyone who moved there, attracted by the low tax, would know they were also taking chances with their health. Anyone who moved to South Australia to take advantage of good health services would know they had to pay for the privilege.

Every election, for decades now, the Australian National University has surveyed voters about what matters to them most. Until recently their number one concern was tax. In 1998 about 23 per cent labelled it "extremely important". Only 10 per cent thought health and Medicare were extremely important.

But at the turn of the century things began to shift. In 2001 tax and health were on level pegging at 16.3 per cent and 16.1 per cent respectively. By 2013 the positions had reversed. Now 19 per cent think health and Medicare are extremely important and only 11 per cent are as concerned about tax. It's the sort of change you would expect as the population gets older and richer.

Critics of these surveys say they don't mean much. People aren't asked to put their money where their mouths are. But under the scheme being hatched by Turnbull they will. For the first time Australians would be forced to choose between more health spending and lower tax when they vote. I'm betting the surveys are right and people will opt for better hospitals. But that's not what excites me. It's that voters will have to make a choice, to acknowledge that good hospitals cost money and wear the consequences of their decisions.

To tell the truth, I'd love it if each state decided on a different mix. Then each could look at the other and see what worked best. NSW was the first to make Australian history compulsory in high school. Victoria was the first to make seat belts compulsory. Tasmania was the first to introduce daylight saving. Each picked what worked. Experimentation is what federations are meant to be about. It's no accident that federations such as Canada, the United States and Germany usually work better than unitary states such as Italy, Greece and France.

By presenting states with hard choices Turnbull will not only make the experimentation more real, he'll also make the states run things better. There isn't a terribly strong incentive to run hospitals and schools well when you're not coming up with all the money yourself. There's a much stronger incentive if you're paying for the lot.

States funding what they provide is hardly new. Each state raised its own income tax before the Commonwealth entered the field in 1915 and then generously offered to also collect income tax as an agent for the states during the depression. In the Second World >War, without consultation, it kept the lot for itself as a "temporary" measure and never gave it back.

It isn't surprising that in modern times the states haven't asked for its return. Politically they've had the best of both worlds and we've been able to vote as if we are in La La Land. Turnbull wants us to face reality.

In The Age and Sydney Morning Herald
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Thursday, March 17, 2016

Expect great things from Turnbull’s first budget. No, seriously

While the media has been obsessing about tax, Malcolm Turnbull has been focused on setting Australia up. To do it, he'll need to borrow big sums of money for exceptionally long periods at at extraordinarily low interest rates.

We should have done it sooner. Right now Australia can borrow for 10 years at 2.7 per cent, just a few points above the the Reserve Bank's inflation target of 2.5 per cent, meaning we are able to get money for close to nothing. But it's still unattractive for long-term projects because there's a risk that in a decade's time when the loans have to be refinanced, the new rates will be higher. So Turnbull's looking at borrowing for 30 years.

Australia has never before issued 30-year bonds, although we have been experimenting with borrowing for 24 and 25 years. The US and Britain borrow for 30 years and get certainty for their repayments right through the life of very big projects.

What will Turnbull want the money for? Here's where it gets interesting. He dropped broad hints in a speech in Sydney on Friday.

The mining boom was made possible by investment in physical infrastructure such as mines, railways and ports. Over time it will make Australia rich. Turnbull believes the next boom will also require physical investment. If it's the result of people providing services in fields such as finance, law, health and others not dreamt of, you may think it requires little more than people, a good education system and the phone system or national broadband network to bring them together.

The Grattan Institute finds that workers in the Melbourne CBD (including Docklands and Southbank) typically produce $87 an hour, much more than the Melbourne-wide average of $53. Workers in the Sydney CBD produce $100 an >hour, much more than the Sydney-wide average of $61. The combined CBDs of these two cities alone – a landmass of just 7.1 square kilometres – accounts for nearly 10 per cent of Australia's production, three times what's produced by agriculture.

Turnbull quotes economist Edward Glaeser, who wrote Triumph of the City, to make the point that cities are our greatest invention. We not only work better when we rub shoulders with others, we are also more likely to be hired by them, more likely to hire them and more likely to steal ideas from them.

The fact that people need to work with each other and bump into each other was a point never acknowledged in the screeds of reports Labor commissioned about how the NBN would free us from travelling in to work.

Getting more people into cities boosts the Australian economy, boosts incomes and boosts government revenue. Which is where the budget comes in.

Turnbull's predecessor funded roads more or less as he wanted. He didn't insist on thorough analysis. And despite labelling himself the infrastructure prime minister, Tony Abbott never spent that much money. Turnbull is prepared to spend more, so long as it can be rigorously demonstrated that the project will pay dividends.

In Britain it is done through so-called "city deals". If a city such as Manchester can demonstrate that a road or rail line that gets more people into it will lift incomes, the central government backs it as a long-term investment. It knows it will cream off one-third of the extra earnings in tax. The Melbourne Metro would have passed such a test. The East West Link would have failed it...

As well, Turnbull will insist that the states go further than they have been prepared to in grabbing benefits for themselves. Traditionally when a railway station or a hospital opens in a new location, the nearby businesses and landowners get a windfall. Turnbull wants the states to grab a large chunk of it, perhaps charging the locals a third of the increase in value of their businesses or their homes. Then he'll need to put in less, funding perhaps four major projects for what would have been the price of two.

States talk about capturing value, then chicken out. They don't like offending the locals. Turnbull wants to give them cover. By insisting that they won't get anything unless they grab some of the proceeds for themselves (and perhaps for the Feds) he'll allow them to say he made them do it.

Value capture isn't a new idea, just one that's fallen into disuse. Melbourne's underground rail loop was funded in part by a long-running 1 per cent levy on the value of land held by city businesses and householders. It turned out to be more than worth their while.

Turnbull's major projects minister, Paul Fletcher, will produce a discussion paper outlining how value-capture will work within weeks. It could open the way for all sorts of projects previously regarded as uneconomic or not yet economic, including a Melbourne-Brisbane freight rail line, a railway to the site of Sydney's second airport,  and (perhaps) a Melbourne-Brisbane high-speed passenger line.

At the same time it would close the door on future projects like Peninsula Link, that arguably did little more than allow high-income Melbournians to escape quickly to their holiday homes.

If he is really bold, Turnbull will change the way the budget is presented, showing the income and expenses related to the ordinary running of government on one page (where the deficit is hopefully shrinking) and the borrowing and spending on major projects as well as the projected payoffs on another (where the borrowing will be hopefully growing).

It will take some explaining. But Turnbull, more than any prime minister since Hawke, is capable of explaining good ideas and taking the Australian public with him. The rare coincidence of unusually low long-term interest rates and good ideas with demonstrable payoffs is too good to waste.

In The Age and Sydney Morning Herald
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Tuesday, June 03, 2014

Anyone who doubts the Medical Research Fund is a fig leaf..

It took Mark Latham to say the unsayable. “If a cure to cancer is to be found, most likely it will happen in Europe or the United States,” he wrote in the Weekend Financial Review. Spending scarce funds to find a cure ourselves is a waste of money, a political fig leaf to cover the electoral pain of the GP co-payment.

Anyone who doubts that the Medical Research Future Fund is a fig leaf or an afterthought, needs to only look at the pattern of leaks and speeches leading up to the budget. Ministers spoke often about the need to restrain the cost of Medicare, scarcely at all about the need to boost medical research.

They weren’t able to prepare the way for the medical research future fund because it didn’t come first. It isn’t that pharmaceutical benefits, doctors rebates and future hospital funding are being cut to pay for the fund. It’s that the fund was evoked late in the piece to smooth the edges of the cuts.  

Under the descriptions of 23 separate cuts in the budget are the words: “The savings from this measure will be invested by the government in the Medical Research Future Fund”.

The cuts hit dental health, mental health, funding for eye examinations, measures to improve diagnostic images, research into preventive health, a trial of e-health and $55 billion of hospital funding over the next 10 years.

We’re told the cuts are to build a $20 billion Medical Research Future Fund, but the immediate purpose is to cut the deficit.

The wonders of budget accounting mean that the savings notionally allocated to the fund will actually be used to bring down the budget deficit except for when money is withdrawn from the fund to pay for research.

It’s the same trick Peter Costello pulled with the Future Fund. The government gets two gold stars for the price of one. It can both cut the deficit and build up the funds for medical research. And it isn’t yet too sure about what type of research.

Under questioning by senators on Monday, health department officials revealed that they didn’t even know about the fund until late in the budget process and even then provided no advice on how it would work.

Asked about the kind of things the fund would finance, the department's secretary Jane Halton said the questions were hypothetical.

Would it include evaluations of potentially life-saving preventive health measures such as SunSmart and anti-tobacco programs? “I think it’s unlikely based on the description I have seen, but again we are in an area that we probably can’t yet answer,” she replied.  

A few minutes later she asked for her words to be expunged saying she really didn’t know. “We need to work through this level of detail” she told the senators.

We know that cures for cancer, Alzheimer's and heart disease will be part of fund’s remit, because the Treasurer told us so. “One day someone will find a cure for cancer,” he said after the budget. “Let it be an Australian and let it be us investing in our own health care.”

Latham’s point is that the idea is silly. By all means contribute proportionately to a global effort to find cures for diseases, but don’t try and lead the pack by taking scarce dollars away from applying the medical lessons we have already learnt.

Small countries like Australia are for the most part users rather than creators of technology, and our funds are limited as Joe Hockey well knows.

The Medical Journal of Australia isn’t fooled. This month’s editorial says a government genuinely concerned about extending the working lives of Australians would be investing more in preventing chronic disease, not less.

“The direct effects of the proposed federal budget on prevention include cuts to funding for the National Partnership Agreement on Preventive Health, loss of much of the money previously administered through the now-defunct Australian National Preventive Health Agency, and reductions in social media campaigns, for example, on smoking cessation,” it says.

“Increased funding for bowel cancer screening, the Sporting Schools initiative, the proposed National Diabetes Strategy and for dementia research are positive developments, but do not balance the losses.”

It’s the indirect effects of the measures the fund seeks to make palatable that have it really worried. The $7 co-payment will work out at $14 for patients with chronic diseases. They’ll pay once to see the doctor and then again to have a test. The editorial quoted four studies which have each found that visits for preventive reasons are the ones co-payments are most likely to cut back.

“The effects of these co-payments on preventive behaviour are greatest among those who can least afford the additional costs,” it observes. Which is a pity because “the potential for prevention is greatest among poorer patients, who are often at a health disadvantage”.

We’ll all suffer if co-payments cut vaccination rates, even those of us who aren’t poor, and even if the Medical Research Future Fund finds a cure cancer.

The journal’s biggest concern is that the cuts to hospital services will hit preventive health measures because they are seen as less urgent.

“The greatest pity of all is that the proposed cuts to funding for health come at the time when the first evidence is at hand of potential benefits of the large-scale preventive programs implemented under the national partnership agreements,” the journal writes. “A slowing in the rate of increase in childhood obesity and reductions in smoking rates among indigenous populations have been hard-won achievements.”

Withdrawing from measures ;we know will work in order to fund measures we think might work is a daft way to manage our health. But it'll help cut the deficit.

In The Age and Sydney Morning Herald
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Tuesday, May 20, 2014

Budget 2014. Settling scores and looking after mates

The budget was an exercise in settling scores and looking after mates.

Sure, it improved the nation’s finances. But at every turn it took the opportunity to punish or threaten the Coalition’s critics while protecting its supporters. Australians on benefits get their incomes cut by up to 10 per cent and in some cases 18 per cent. They will be charged for previously free visits to the doctor. Organisations that normally speak up for them such as the Council of Social Service have been told their government funding will be extended by only six months this year and then the contracts put out to tender.  

Big food, big tobacco and big alcohol have been thrown the carcass of the Australian National Preventive Health Agency. Like the introduction of Medicare co-payments the move won’t actually save the budget any money because the savings will be redirected to medical research, but it will please corporations which have been amongst the Coalition’s biggest backers.

Coalition pets such as the banks, private health insurance industry and private schools get off lightly. The government will hand private schools $6.8 billion in the coming financial year - no cutback on what was scheduled - and $9.3 billion the following year. The private health insurance rebate survives with barely a scrape. It’ll cost $5.5 billion this coming financial year and $5.8 billion the next.

And the banks profit hugely from the tens of billions of dollars handed out every year in superannuation tax concessions, also untouched.

They are about to be given a second helping. Hurriedly pushed on to the back burner in March when assistant treasurer Arthur Sinodinos stepped aside over questions about his behaviour at the NSW Independent Commission Against Corruption, the government is about to revive its attempt to neuter parts of the financial advice law.

It wants what the banks want. They want to remove the  requirement for financial planners to always act in their clients' best interests, and they want to reintroduce limited commissions.

It’s a prospect that terrifies anyone who had just watched Four Corners. On May 6 reporter Adele Ferguson examined the behaviour of the Commonwealth Bank, one of the banks that wants Labor’s new law to be watered down.

It rewarded its tellers for trawling through information about their customers in order to find prospects for financial planners.

“A lot of people, what they don't understand is that the teller will be looking up their details on the bank's information system, identifying if they could be sent to a planner,” a former Commonwealth planner said. “They are given targets for referrals each week.

“The emphasis is always on trying to get the maximum share of wallet out of each customer. The planners have actually been incentivised or forced in a way to give advice that's not in people's best interests, and the whole system is really structured to bring that about.”

Four Corners told stories of families almost brought to ruin after the Commonwealth Bank and its representatives steered them out of safe products into dangerous ones, in some cases “without ever explaining the risks”.

Labor’s law, already in place, requires financial planners to take all reasonable steps to act in the best interests of their clients.

The banks and the Coalition want to water this down so they merely have to complete a checklist of six specific steps. Monash University corporate law specialist Paul Latimer told the Senate inquiry that removing the overarching best interests requirement would be like leaving doctors with only a few specific boxes to tick instead of asking them to also ensure they were acting in the best interests of their patients.

And they want to allow tellers to once again receive commissions for pushing products and advisors their customers’ way.

Why? Right now the big four banks with the AMP control 80 per cent of the financial planning industry. If they can’t leverage their tellers that share will shrink. And incentives work.

In 2012 two economists from the Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago and Ohio State University published a study entitled Do Loan Officers’ Incentives Lead to Lax Lending Standards?. It found that loan officers whose pay was supplemented by incentives wrote 19 per cent more loans than those whose pay was not. And the loans they wrote were 28 per cent more likely to default.

Incentives work, even if - in some cases, especially if - they are small.

The banks need to blunt the Future of Financial Advice Act. But it’s less clear why the Australian government needs to blunt it. It’s true that banks have been big supporters of the Coalition. One of them, the National Australia Bank, employed the assistant treasurer Arthur Sinodinos as an executive after he left John Howard’s office and before he joined the Senate where he drew up the pro-bank legislation the government is about to introduce.

In The Age and Sydney Morning Herald
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