Wednesday, June 12, 2024

The Coalition wants to dump our 2030 emissions target, yet somehow hit 2050’s. Behavioural economics has a name for that

If you are anything like me, the nearer you get to a deadline, the more desperately you want to postpone it, no matter how much harder that makes things down the track.

It’s what the Coalition wants Australia to do about its 2030 emissions reduction target – the one signed into law in 2022 and registered with the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change.

The Coalition says it remains “fully committed” to the more challenging target of net zero by 2050, but it wants to postpone some of the work needed to achieve it until later, nearer 2050.

It’s a human impulse that until the 1980s had economists baffled. That’s when they came up with a new name for it: “hyperbolic discounting”.

Most of us put things off

Before then, economists had no problem explaining people putting things off. We’d long had the concept of a “discount rate” to explain why we do it.

If I offered you a choice of finishing an unpleasant task this month in return for $100, or finishing it a year later for 5% less, you are pretty likely to opt for finishing it a year later in return for 5% less.

Economists would say that meant your “discount rate” (the rate at which you discount what happens in the future) was greater than 5% per year.

It’s an incredibly useful concept, and one of the reasons we want to be paid interest when we lend money or deposit money in a fixed-term account.

Yes, it will be nice to get our money back – but getting it back when the loan ends won’t feel as good as having it now. If our discount rate is 5% per year, getting the full amount back then will be worth 5% less to us per year, so we will want interest of 5% per year.

Voters and politicians discount the future

It’s also how governments and businesses decide whether to fund major projects. If their discount rates are 5% (they are usually higher) and the eventual payoff from the project works out at less than 5% per year, it isn’t worth it. As a species, we are more concerned about what happens now than what happens in the future.

At least that’s what was taught at universities in 1970s: everyone has their own personal discount rate. For patient people it is low, and for impatient people it is higher. If you can find out what it is, you can find out what they should do.

Except that many of us don’t behave like that at all. We appear to have a discount rate, but it changes – dramatically – the closer we get to a deadline.

Near deadlines, our behaviour becomes extreme

Remember when I asked about finishing an unpleasant task this month or a year later? You might well have given an answer that implied a discount rate near 5%.

You would have probably given a similar answer if I asked about finishing the task a year after that, in 2027 instead of 2026. Your discount rate would be near 5%.

Except for the week before the task is due. In that week, you might well be prepared to sacrifice almost anything – an awful lot – to put it off for another week or another month, or two months or a year. Your discount rate would be off the charts.

On a chart, it wouldn’t look like a straight line – 5% or so per year – it would like a hyperbola, a line that had suddenly climbed enormously high. That has also been used to describe the concept of hyperbolic discounting.

Acting like a hyperbolic discounter – pushing out a deadline as it becomes imminent, even if it costs more to meet it later – as the Coalition now says it will do the 2030 emissions reduction target, is a way to never meet a deadline.

Of course, the Coalition says it won’t cost more to meet the final deadline of net-zero by 2050 because by then we will have nuclear power.

It’s a familiar argument to those of us who want to put things off. Something will come along that will make them easier to do later. If it doesn’t, maybe we will behave like a hyperbolic discounter again. Not that we expect to.

Nuclear power mightn’t make future choices easier

Except that the unexpected happens. Cost overruns are notorious in building nuclear power plants, even in countries that have lots of them and they are often delivered late.

And electricity is responsible for only one-third of Australia’s greenhouse gas emissions. Cutting electricity emissions to zero (a road we are already on, they’ve been falling since 2015) will leave another two-thirds of emissions untouched.

That’s unless we rapidly electrify other sources of emissions such as cars and trucks and the use of gas for heating, a transition the Coalition remains reluctant to embrace.

It’s hard to meet deadlines. Right now the government is on track to miss its 2030 emissions target of 43% below 2005 levels, although its officials say it is on track for 42% and it thinks it can make up the difference.

It’s tempting to put things off. If the Coalition persuades us, it’s because we are highly persuadable. Most of us don’t like hard choices now. We like them later.The Conversation

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

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Wednesday, June 05, 2024

Spare us the talk about a wages explosion. There’s nothing wrong with lifting Australia’s lowest wages in line with inflation

What is it with the Coalition and wages?

When, in the final days of the 2022 election campaign, the then opposition leader Anthony Albanese backed an increase in award wages to keep pace with inflation, his opposite number in the Coalition, Prime Minister Scott Morrison called him a “loose unit”.

“He just runs off at the mouth, it’s like he just unzips his head and lets everything fall on the table,” Morrison said.

Allowing the wages of low-paid Australians to climb with inflation would

make interest rates rise even higher, it would threaten the strong growth we have had in employment, and ultimately it would force small businesses, potentially, out of business altogether.

Now, two years on, after yet another Fair Work Commission decision that lifted award wages in line with inflation, the Coalition has returned to the fray.

On Monday, Shadow Finance minister Jane Hume asked Treasury Secretary Steven Kennedy at a Senate hearing how he could support a wage increase linked to inflation at a time when productivity growth was uncertain.

She was, she said, just asking for treasury’s position.

The Fair Work Commission had just given Australia’s lowest-paid workers 3.75%.

The approach goes back some time. In 2014 the Coalition’s recently-installed industrial relations minister Eric Abetz warned of something akin to the “wages explosions” of the 1970s and early 1980s unless “weak-kneed” employers stood up to unions.

At the time, only 17% of Australian workers were members of unions, down from more than half in the early 1980s. It’s now just 12%.



Far from setting off a wages explosion, increases in award wages (those awarded by the Fair Work Commission to predominately low-paid workers) appear to barely move the dial at all.

Last year the Commission awarded low-paid workers 5.75%. In the year that followed, overall wages climbed 4.1%. The previous year the Commission awarded 5.2%. In the year that followed, overall wages climbed 3.7%.

Overall wages – those received by the three quarters of workers who aren’t paid by awards – have been climbing by less than awards, and for most of the past three years, by less than the rate of inflation.

Conditions were ripe for pay rises

It isn’t because the conditions haven’t been right. For the past two years, unemployment has been lower than it has been in the previous four decades.

From 1974 right through until 2022 unemployment never fell below 4%, and rarely fell below 5%. Yet the past two years haven’t sparked a wages explosion.

It should have been one of the easiest times in our lives to walk into a new higher-paying job, yet the share of us doing that has dived from almost 20% per year at the start of the 1990s to less than 10% today.



At the peak of what was then the biggest mining boom in a century in 2012, only 6,200 Australians were crossing the Nullarbor to live in Western Australia. Five times as many new arrivals were pouring into Western Australia from overseas.

In the past year, in the midst of a new and bigger mining boom, only a net 11,200 Australians have moved west for a better life.

Our remarkable passivity when it comes to moving to earn more and our lack of interest in joining unions has collided with a wage-setting system that for those of us not on awards makes it easy for employers to resist paying more.

Workers are finding it hard to bargain

Individual contracts are usually offered on a take-it-or-leave-it basis. Those of us not interested in leaving (most of us) take them.

Enterprise bargains typically last three years. When they expire there is nothing to stop employers stringing negotiations out or simply not commencing them, leaving their workers on so-called “zombie agreements”.

The Business Council says they can “act like a wage freeze”.

Australia’s total wage bill has been climbing much more slowly than prices. In part this is because decisions on awards, like the ones handed down this week, apply only to awards.

Awards, applying mainly to low-wage jobs, make up only 11% of the total wage bill.

Services inflation is high for other reasons

It is true, as several senators said on Monday, that inflation in the price of services is now greater than inflation in the price of goods. But Treasury Secretary Kennedy doesn’t think that’s because of excessive wage growth.

He said inflation took off as economies ran short of goods when they restarted after closing down in the first wave of COVID. Then Russia invaded Ukraine, pushing up the prices of oil and food.

Inflation in the prices of those goods has receded, but goods are an input to services. Kennedy says what’s happening to the price of services is an echo of what happened earlier to the price of goods.

It will take a while for that to flow through, and for services inflation to follow goods inflation down.

As unthreatening as the latest 3.75% increase in award wages is to inflation, it’ll be welcome to those who receive it.

The national accounts released on Wednesday are likely to show living standards as measured by GDP per person have gone backwards for four consecutive quarters, the first time that’s happened in 40 years. The extra pay will help.The Conversation

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

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