Showing posts with label taxing times. Show all posts
Showing posts with label taxing times. Show all posts

Sunday, May 09, 2010

Mining giants mauled in sell-off after proposed tax ??


Mining giants mauled in sell-off after proposed tax
is what The Australian said.

Well...

Since Sunday's announcement of the Resource Super Profits Tax mining and metals stocks are down 7.52%.

The ASX 200 index itself is down 6.67%.

Maybe the mining tax mauled the lot.


Related Posts

. "Very few high risk exploration prospects are likely to proceed"

. So this idea of a super tax on mining profits... who raised it with the Henry Review?

. We'll still be mining


Read more >>

Saturday, February 28, 2009

TAXING TIMES: Why Henry will cut the corporate tax rate

It's on. The Henry Review is set to recommend a lower corporate tax rate, unless there's a groundswell of complaints as well as good arguments raised against it.

That was the Treasury Secretary's purpose is taking the idea public in a speech Monday night and in announcing a roadshow of "town hall" style meetings that will travel to centres including Melbourne and Geelong next month.

Ken Henry isn't running with the idea on his own. His boss Wayne Swan said it had much to commend it when he spoke at a different tax conference on Wednesday.

An organiser of that conference, the Australian Council of Trades Unions, muttered darkly that it was the sort of idea to be expected from a panel on which business was represented, but workers and Australians on welfare were not.

But that misunderstands the genesis of Ken Henry's idea...

Australia's self-claimed "largest and most representative organisation" didn't even ask for a lower corporate tax rate in its submission to the Henry Review. The Chamber of Commerce and Industry instead asked the review to "gradually reduce the top marginal personal tax rate to the same level as the corporate tax rate," a stance that raises questions about who the Chamber actually represents.

Its argument was that "higher income earners are more responsive to taxes than lower income earners," a questionable assertion for which it offered no supporting evidence.

By contrast the evidence that foreign capital is responsive to a lower corporate tax rates is overwhelming.

Cutting Australia's headline corporate tax rate from 30 per cent to 19 per cent could be funded by abolishing Australia's almost unique system of dividend imputation. Estimates before the Henry Review suggest such a cut would boost foreign investment in Australia by one quarter.

This isn't the sort of dodgy estimate made the Ralph Review in the late 1990s that reported that halving Australia's headline rate of capital gains tax would be self-funding and would lead to a surge in investment in "innovative, high-growth companies". (What it lead to was a surge in negative gearing and real estate prices.)

The wise heads in the Treasury were locked out of that review, precisely because the then Treasurer Peter Costello wanted it to recommend a cut in Australia's capital gains tax rate. He even put it in the terms of reference.

The Treasury's thinking about that idea is driving its thinking about this one.

Dr Henry said Monday that if markets were efficient, any change in the taxation of Australian income from shares, "primarily through the taxation of dividends and capital gains at the personal level" would affect the total level of capital invested in Australia not at all.

That's right. In terms of pure theory Australia will get (got) next to no benefit from halving its headline rate of capital gains tax back in 1999, and no benefit from the up to $20 billion dollars it spends each year handing locals their much-loved dividend imputation cheques.

The locals who get the concessions certainly benefit - often handsomely - but to the extent that they invest in Australian companies as a result, they merely displace investment by foreigners.

But contrast cutting company tax will lift the profitability of Australian companies and genuinely suck in foreign investment, boosting national income and real wages as a result.

Dr Henry was careful to point out that these arguments don't apply to Australian small and medium-sized private companies which don't get capital from overseas in any event.

He seems happy for them to continue to face a 30 per cent tax rate and retain access to dividend imputation if they want.

See Also: TAXING TIMES - Could Henry be thinking really big? November 29, 2008

Tax revenue to GDP over time - from Budget - (click to enlarge)


Tax revenue to GDP over time - from November update - (click to enlarge)


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Saturday, December 13, 2008

TAXING TIMES: What do you mean we can't increase the GST?

The impeccably polite Treasury Secretary is straining at the leash.

Asked this week about the requirement that his tax review "reflect government policy not to increase the rate or broaden the base of the goods and services tax" Ken Henry replied carefully that in his long years in public life he had learned to pay attention to guidance.

Asked again, he conceded that the no-go zone wasn't ideal.

"We would look at that particular term of reference and say that's a constraint, it's a constraint on our thinking," he said. "Is it a constraint that is likely to cause us any great difficulties? I'm not sure that it is."

Dr Henry was releasing the consultation paper that sets out the review's thinking about tax problems and solutions and invites comments.

The biggest, set out in the first substantive chapter, is "the revenue mix"...

There are only three broad types of revenue - taxes on labour, taxes on capital and taxes on consumption.

The committee suspects that taxes on capital will have to become less important in the mix (although it is less strong on this point than the Treasury was in the tax architecture paper which kicked off the review in August).

The argument is that as other nations cut their company and capital gains taxes in order to compete for footloose capital Australia will have to as well.

Taxes on labour will probably also have to become less important as we age and a smaller proportion of us work.

That leaves what the committee describes as "an increased reliance on consumption taxes", and a cleverly worded Question 3.4 that it will be putting to the groups it consults with.

It question reads: "Assuming no increase in the rate or base of the GST, what principles should guide the future development of other consumption taxes in Australia, and is there a need to change the role and structure of such taxes?"

That's right. The committee is being forced to look at new consumption taxes, rather than increase the rate of the broad-based and effective consumption tax that we already have. As PricewaterhouseCoopers tax partner Tim Cox puts it, "it's like trying to design a world-class tax system which is going to survive into the next century with your hand tied behind your back."

And its not as if the new consumption taxes would be particularly good at raising revenue. While Dr Henry protested Wednesday that there were other "other instruments" available available from the GST , a look at the consultation paper suggests that many are "sin taxes" designed to change behaviour - volumetric alcohol taxes that would end the cheap status of wine, a "higher polluting" car tax and so on.

The problem with such taxes is that the more they succeed in changing behaviour, the less they raise. As the committee asks:"can the competing potential objectives of alcohol taxation, including revenue raising, health policy and industry assistance be resolved?"

When it reports next December the review is likely to either recommend some particularly innovative (and hopefully good) new consumption taxes, or gently argue with its terms of reference. It wouldn't be the first time.

Dr Henry served on the previous Prime Minister's task group on emissions trading. Its terms of reference required it to advise on a "global" trading system. They didn't stop the group also advising on a standalone system.

As it happens the term of reference constraining the Henry Review is already out of date. Set out at budget time in May it listed 3 constraints. The review was to "reflect the Government’s policy not to increase the rate or broaden the base of the GST", preserve tax-free superannuation payments for the over 60s, and reflect "the announced aspirational personal income tax goals".

The third constraint is now history. In November the Finance Minister Lindsay Tanner indefinitely postponed the aspirational personal tax cuts, declaring: "look, where things are heading, we just have to leave that aside for the time being".

The committee's forced search for extra consumption taxes sits badly with the other terms of reference that require it to simplify the tax system and minimise complexity. Adding new taxes makes it harder to cut the number we have.

Away from the GST roadblock, many of its tasks seem straightforward. It reports almost universal detestation of stamp duties on property transactions and sees wisdom in the more sensible alternative of annual taxes on property values. It is far from convinced by the opponents of payroll taxes noting arguments to extend and harmonise them. And it sees complete wisdom in taxing fringe benefits in the hands of the employees who actually enjoy them rather than their companies.

The hard work will be figuring out how to increase consumption taxes without increasing the overarching one, how far to cut company taxes in order to keep Australia competitive, and how to treat saving and capital gains.

It wants ideas before May. Its asking the right questions.
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Saturday, December 06, 2008

TAXING TIMES: Beware the cash flow tax

Surely he couldn't have been serious?

Three weeks ago - making it clear that he wasn't "endorsing it," the head of the Treasury Ken Henry raised the idea of replacing most of Australia's existing taxes with with so-called "cash flow" models based on the difference between money coming in and money going out.


He said it had been put to him by "Jim", a central Queensland businessman whose real name turns out to be Roy, who he met in a pub on his way back from caring for northern hairy nosed wombats over the winter break.

Ken Henry already knew of the idea of course, it had been the subject of much "academic discourse," but he had "never seen it argued so well, nor with such understanding". He told the audience at the National Press Club it was an idea his Henry Tax Review would "need to consider".

And there the idea might have rested - a concept best thought of as academic curiosity, beloved by legions of ivory tower theoreticians including Australia's Mark Latham, but never seriously implemented anywhere and with loads of transitional and actual problems.

But it hasn't. The Review has been taking it seriously...

It's eagerly awaited consultation paper, to be released next week, may keep it as a genuine option.

The Treasury received a briefing from a champion of the idea, University of California Berkeley Professor Alan Auerbach, days after the Henry Review was announced.

Auerbach has conducted two studies that have concluded that moving to a cash flow tax in the US could boost its national income by 9 per cent over time. A 1970s US Treasury report and a report by the Meade committee of inquiry into tax in Britain found the same sort of thing. Three decades on another inquiry in Britian, headed by the Nobel Prize winner James Mirrlees, an expert in the role of incentives, is examining it again.

What is it about this elegant but impractical idea that for decades has been capturing hearts across a spectrum that takes in socialists in Britain, low-tax lobbyists in the United States, Australia's one-time leadership aspirant Mark Latham, Jim/Roy in central Queensland, and now quite possibly the head of the Henry Review Dr Ken Henry?

In Latham's case it seems to be a dislike of conspicuous consumption. By adding up all of the money that comes in (such as salary and withdrawls from the bank) and then subtracting only money that didn't go "out" (money put into the bank, mortgage repayments, certain types of approved investments and so on) the Tax Office would get at our consumpion - the bit we hadn't saved. It could tax this on a progressive scale minimally at low levels, and then quite heavily at high rates of consumption, allowing each of to enjoy the things we need but making us pay more heavily to spend on the things we don't.

As he says in his book Civilising Global Capital, high tax rates would no longer discourage people from working, but from consuming. "If high income earners choose to save or productively invest a solid proportion of their revenue, and thereby add to the growth of the economy," they would escape heavy taxes. But the new system would ensure that "the realisation of affluence, expressed in the form of excessive consumption, is accompanied by a progressive contribution to the tax system.

Put more bluntly, what Latham, Jim/Roy and all the rest are proposing is a massive - a complete - tax break for saving; for businesses as well as individuals. Corporations would be taxed only on that part of their net profit that they spent and so would their workers.

It's certainly elegant. The former Prime Minister Paul Keating used to eulogise what he called "long clean lines" of policy. His battle-hardened advisors, closer to the real word had a response: "neat idea, forget all about it".

Beautiful policies aren't always good ones, and right now can be downright dangerous.

Consider for a moment Latham, and perhaps Jim/Roy's, laughable idea that money isn't used until it is spent. Try telling it to someone without money. Ask whether that person would rather have the options, the security, that went with having a $50 note in his wallet or her purse or whether it would only benefit them when it was spent. Saving might be a good idea, but let's not kid ourselves that high-wealth individuals need tax breaks to encourage them to do it.

And what about workers or investors from overseas? Even if Australia's new cash-flow tax system was the best in the world, no-one else in the world would be doing it. How could we measure saving overseas to subtract from income made here and visa versa?

And how would we move to the new system? Australians with money in the bank right now have paid a lot of tax to get it there. The new system would tax that money again when it came out. The transitional arrangements to stop this happening would be complex (and not very "clean").

The idea will never get up. And that's its real danger.

Australia's tax system isn't perfect. The Henry Review has been presented with a once-in-a-generation opportunity to recommend tangible, doable measures that will help fix it up.

If instead it recommends a massive revolutionary change that could never be easily adopted, the Prime Minister might accept its recommendation and send the report away for further consideration.

The opportunity to actually fix things now will have been lost. It's what a timid Prime Minister might want: a bold recommendation.

Ken Henry was speaking boldly at the Press Club three weeks ago. This week we will find out whether he meant it. All manner of practical people with genuine hopes for making Australia's tax system work are hoping that he didn't.

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Saturday, November 29, 2008

TAXING TIMES: Could Ken Henry be thinking really big?

It's crunch time at the Henry Tax Review.

The Prime Minister's hand-picked five-person team is in the final stages of preparing the consultation paper it will release in December setting out the lines of thought that have emerged from the hundreds of submissions it has received and consultations it has held since August.


After that it'll spend an entire year honing down those lines of thought, expanding those that will work work and discarding that that will not until it reports in December 2009.

The good news is that many of the ideas that will work are actually quite simple. The inquiry's Chair, Treasury Secretary Ken Henry scared us a bit earlier this month when he talked about the myriad ways in which Australia taxes fencing wire and our 125 different taxes - "more than there are northern hairy nosed wombats".

These good ideas may be simple, but they are also disturbingly big.

None bigger than destroying one of Labor's most important tax measures in order to axe the company tax rate.

Dividend imputation was pushed through the Labor caucus only by the force of the Treasurer Paul Keating more than 20 years ago. He sold the change by asking it to imagine two small shopkeepers - perhaps an Italian or Pakistani couple in a working class area, according to a recent biography. If the shopkeepers formed a company their profits would be taxed twice - once at the company tax rate and then again at the full personal tax rate when they was distributed as dividends...

"If that fair?" Keating is said to have asked, and then told caucus that if double taxation wasn't fair for small shopkeepers it wasn't fair for anyone.

So from 1987 almost alone in the world, Australia taxed the corporate profits received by Australians only once. If a company had already paid tax on the profits it was distributing, its Australian shareholders (but not its foreign ones) could get a credit to set against their income tax.

Much of the rest of the world followed Australia. The UK already had such a system, but has since abolished it as has Ireland. They found it complicated and not particularly appreciated.

Appreciation matters. Nick Gruen of Lateral Economics points to a study that finds Keating's gift to be so little appreciated by Australian shareholders that it is "unable to reject the hypothesis that companies with dividend imputation do not attract any share price premium".

Many companies simply don't bother. They'd rather minimize their tax, and they know that Australians are about as likely to invest in them without dividend imputation as with.

The shareholders they need to impress are the ones from overseas - the so-called "swing" shareholders with investments in every country in the world to choose between who can really move a share price. Yet they are excluded from dividend imputation.

What they get instead is a 30 per cent headline corporate tax rate. About standard or not, it looks unattractive compared to other countries' headline tax rates.

Our system of imputation prevents them from getting a tax cut - a massive cut that would bring the corporate tax rate down to 19 per cent.

That's what Dr Gruen reckons would be possible if dividend imputation was axed. It costs more than $20 billion a year.

And he says the cut in the company tax rate could be even bigger. If cutting the rate brings in more foreign investors as it is likely to, it'll make it cheaper for Australian firms to raise money, boosting their profits and possibly funding further cuts in the headline rate.

All this without costing the Treasury a thing.

Who's going to mind? Well the Australian shareholders enjoying imputation credits are likely to be upset. But less so if Doctor Gruen explains his thinking to them. He believes the tax cut would lift foreign direct investment in Australian companies by almost one-quarter. That's right, almost one-quarter. Its the sort of thing that happened when Ireland and Britain abolished their imputation schemes to fund corporate tax cuts. Ireland in particular was flooded with foreign capital.

What would this do to Australian share prices? Nick Gruen believes it'll push them high enough to compensate the Australians investors who will miss out on their imputation credits. They'll get higher share prices instead. And back a decade ago Australia halved its rate of capital gains tax, didn't it?

Well actually, it didn't. Australia halved only the headline rate of capital gains tax and recouped much of the loss by removing the inflation discount. But it was the headline rate that mattered. All manner of Australians began gearing up to invest. Which is partly Dr Gruen's point. Headline rates matter. Australia is denying itself a 19 per cent corporate tax rate and the flood of money it might bring for no particularly good reason.

It's also denying itself a much simpler tax system.

Gruen has persuaded the Committee for the Economic Development of Australia of the merits of the change and also the government's Innovation Review of which he was a member.

It found that switching from dividend imputation to a lower tax rate looked "extremely promising from the perspective of promoting entrepreneurialism, productivity, investment and economic growth".

It reported that the equity issues were "surprisingly mild for such a large change."

Who's left to object such an apparently good and simple idea? Two of the members of the Henry Review, Dr Ken Henry and Professor Greg Smith helped introduce dividend imputation while working on tax at the Treasury in the mid 1980's. But that's unlikely to matter much. If they were bright enough to recognise a good idea two decades ago, they'll be bright enough to assess whether there's a better one now.

The Tax Office likes dividend imputation as an "integrity measure". It keeps (some) companies honest in reporting profits. But many more don't bother with imputation.

And managed trusts. Many owe their livelihoods to offering mum and dad investors dividend imputation and its benefits. They began fighting such a change the day Ken Henry was asked to chair the Review.
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