Wednesday, June 12, 2024

The Coalition wants to dump our 2030 emissions target, yet somehow hit 2050’s. Behavioural economics has a name for that

If you are anything like me, the nearer you get to a deadline, the more desperately you want to postpone it, no matter how much harder that makes things down the track.

It’s what the Coalition wants Australia to do about its 2030 emissions reduction target – the one signed into law in 2022 and registered with the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change.

The Coalition says it remains “fully committed” to the more challenging target of net zero by 2050, but it wants to postpone some of the work needed to achieve it until later, nearer 2050.

It’s a human impulse that until the 1980s had economists baffled. That’s when they came up with a new name for it: “hyperbolic discounting”.

Most of us put things off

Before then, economists had no problem explaining people putting things off. We’d long had the concept of a “discount rate” to explain why we do it.

If I offered you a choice of finishing an unpleasant task this month in return for $100, or finishing it a year later for 5% less, you are pretty likely to opt for finishing it a year later in return for 5% less.

Economists would say that meant your “discount rate” (the rate at which you discount what happens in the future) was greater than 5% per year.

It’s an incredibly useful concept, and one of the reasons we want to be paid interest when we lend money or deposit money in a fixed-term account.

Yes, it will be nice to get our money back – but getting it back when the loan ends won’t feel as good as having it now. If our discount rate is 5% per year, getting the full amount back then will be worth 5% less to us per year, so we will want interest of 5% per year.

Voters and politicians discount the future

It’s also how governments and businesses decide whether to fund major projects. If their discount rates are 5% (they are usually higher) and the eventual payoff from the project works out at less than 5% per year, it isn’t worth it. As a species, we are more concerned about what happens now than what happens in the future.

At least that’s what was taught at universities in 1970s: everyone has their own personal discount rate. For patient people it is low, and for impatient people it is higher. If you can find out what it is, you can find out what they should do.

Except that many of us don’t behave like that at all. We appear to have a discount rate, but it changes – dramatically – the closer we get to a deadline.

Near deadlines, our behaviour becomes extreme

Remember when I asked about finishing an unpleasant task this month or a year later? You might well have given an answer that implied a discount rate near 5%.

You would have probably given a similar answer if I asked about finishing the task a year after that, in 2027 instead of 2026. Your discount rate would be near 5%.

Except for the week before the task is due. In that week, you might well be prepared to sacrifice almost anything – an awful lot – to put it off for another week or another month, or two months or a year. Your discount rate would be off the charts.

On a chart, it wouldn’t look like a straight line – 5% or so per year – it would like a hyperbola, a line that had suddenly climbed enormously high. That has also been used to describe the concept of hyperbolic discounting.

Acting like a hyperbolic discounter – pushing out a deadline as it becomes imminent, even if it costs more to meet it later – as the Coalition now says it will do the 2030 emissions reduction target, is a way to never meet a deadline.

Of course, the Coalition says it won’t cost more to meet the final deadline of net-zero by 2050 because by then we will have nuclear power.

It’s a familiar argument to those of us who want to put things off. Something will come along that will make them easier to do later. If it doesn’t, maybe we will behave like a hyperbolic discounter again. Not that we expect to.

Nuclear power mightn’t make future choices easier

Except that the unexpected happens. Cost overruns are notorious in building nuclear power plants, even in countries that have lots of them and they are often delivered late.

And electricity is responsible for only one-third of Australia’s greenhouse gas emissions. Cutting electricity emissions to zero (a road we are already on, they’ve been falling since 2015) will leave another two-thirds of emissions untouched.

That’s unless we rapidly electrify other sources of emissions such as cars and trucks and the use of gas for heating, a transition the Coalition remains reluctant to embrace.

It’s hard to meet deadlines. Right now the government is on track to miss its 2030 emissions target of 43% below 2005 levels, although its officials say it is on track for 42% and it thinks it can make up the difference.

It’s tempting to put things off. If the Coalition persuades us, it’s because we are highly persuadable. Most of us don’t like hard choices now. We like them later.The Conversation

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Wednesday, June 05, 2024

Spare us the talk about a wages explosion. There’s nothing wrong with lifting Australia’s lowest wages in line with inflation

What is it with the Coalition and wages?

When, in the final days of the 2022 election campaign, the then opposition leader Anthony Albanese backed an increase in award wages to keep pace with inflation, his opposite number in the Coalition, Prime Minister Scott Morrison called him a “loose unit”.

“He just runs off at the mouth, it’s like he just unzips his head and lets everything fall on the table,” Morrison said.

Allowing the wages of low-paid Australians to climb with inflation would

make interest rates rise even higher, it would threaten the strong growth we have had in employment, and ultimately it would force small businesses, potentially, out of business altogether.

Now, two years on, after yet another Fair Work Commission decision that lifted award wages in line with inflation, the Coalition has returned to the fray.

On Monday, Shadow Finance minister Jane Hume asked Treasury Secretary Steven Kennedy at a Senate hearing how he could support a wage increase linked to inflation at a time when productivity growth was uncertain.

She was, she said, just asking for treasury’s position.

The Fair Work Commission had just given Australia’s lowest-paid workers 3.75%.

The approach goes back some time. In 2014 the Coalition’s recently-installed industrial relations minister Eric Abetz warned of something akin to the “wages explosions” of the 1970s and early 1980s unless “weak-kneed” employers stood up to unions.

At the time, only 17% of Australian workers were members of unions, down from more than half in the early 1980s. It’s now just 12%.



Far from setting off a wages explosion, increases in award wages (those awarded by the Fair Work Commission to predominately low-paid workers) appear to barely move the dial at all.

Last year the Commission awarded low-paid workers 5.75%. In the year that followed, overall wages climbed 4.1%. The previous year the Commission awarded 5.2%. In the year that followed, overall wages climbed 3.7%.

Overall wages – those received by the three quarters of workers who aren’t paid by awards – have been climbing by less than awards, and for most of the past three years, by less than the rate of inflation.

Conditions were ripe for pay rises

It isn’t because the conditions haven’t been right. For the past two years, unemployment has been lower than it has been in the previous four decades.

From 1974 right through until 2022 unemployment never fell below 4%, and rarely fell below 5%. Yet the past two years haven’t sparked a wages explosion.

It should have been one of the easiest times in our lives to walk into a new higher-paying job, yet the share of us doing that has dived from almost 20% per year at the start of the 1990s to less than 10% today.



At the peak of what was then the biggest mining boom in a century in 2012, only 6,200 Australians were crossing the Nullarbor to live in Western Australia. Five times as many new arrivals were pouring into Western Australia from overseas.

In the past year, in the midst of a new and bigger mining boom, only a net 11,200 Australians have moved west for a better life.

Our remarkable passivity when it comes to moving to earn more and our lack of interest in joining unions has collided with a wage-setting system that for those of us not on awards makes it easy for employers to resist paying more.

Workers are finding it hard to bargain

Individual contracts are usually offered on a take-it-or-leave-it basis. Those of us not interested in leaving (most of us) take them.

Enterprise bargains typically last three years. When they expire there is nothing to stop employers stringing negotiations out or simply not commencing them, leaving their workers on so-called “zombie agreements”.

The Business Council says they can “act like a wage freeze”.

Australia’s total wage bill has been climbing much more slowly than prices. In part this is because decisions on awards, like the ones handed down this week, apply only to awards.

Awards, applying mainly to low-wage jobs, make up only 11% of the total wage bill.

Services inflation is high for other reasons

It is true, as several senators said on Monday, that inflation in the price of services is now greater than inflation in the price of goods. But Treasury Secretary Kennedy doesn’t think that’s because of excessive wage growth.

He said inflation took off as economies ran short of goods when they restarted after closing down in the first wave of COVID. Then Russia invaded Ukraine, pushing up the prices of oil and food.

Inflation in the prices of those goods has receded, but goods are an input to services. Kennedy says what’s happening to the price of services is an echo of what happened earlier to the price of goods.

It will take a while for that to flow through, and for services inflation to follow goods inflation down.

As unthreatening as the latest 3.75% increase in award wages is to inflation, it’ll be welcome to those who receive it.

The national accounts released on Wednesday are likely to show living standards as measured by GDP per person have gone backwards for four consecutive quarters, the first time that’s happened in 40 years. The extra pay will help.The Conversation

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Tuesday, May 28, 2024

Stand by for a pay rise on top of a tax cut. Here’s why things will feel better from July

At the moment, things look awful.

The latest Bureau of Statistics count of retail spending (spending online and in shops) released Tuesday shows we spent less in April than in February.

The Westpac card tracker, which tracks spending by Westpac customers, shows spending on essentials has fallen 1.6% since April. Spending on non-essentials (what Westpac calls discretionary spending) has fallen 2.2%.

Each month for decades now the Melbourne Institute has asked Australians whether “now is the right time to buy a major household item”.

This month, in a survey conducted just before and just after the federal budget, only 15.2% said it was. That’s the second-lowest percentage in the three decades I have been keeping results.

Go back a few years to the time before COVID (and even during COVID in the lockdowns) and the proportion was typically double – 30-40% of Australians said now was a good time to buy a major household item.



The economic growth figures due for release next week might well show living standards, as measured by GDP per person, going backward for the fourth consecutive quarter – for an entire year.

It’s something that hasn’t happened since the early 1980s, in more than 40 years.

The good news (and there is good news) is things are about to get a little better, beginning very soon, in July.

Reasons to be (more) cheerful

Already well publicised (probably over-publicised given its size) is the $300 per household electricity rebate, which will work out at $75 per quarter, or 82 cents per day.

In some states there will be more. The West Australian government is offering an extra $400, and the Queensland government an extra $1,000.

Added to this will be lower electricity prices for most customers not already on a good deal. The Australian Energy Regulator has announced cuts in the maximum that can be charged of 2% to 4% beginning in July.

Tax cuts hit pay packets in July

Much more important will be the long-awaited (and revamped) Stage 3 tax cuts due finally to hit pay packets in July.

For a middle-earning Australian (half earn more than this, half earn less) on $67,600 it’ll mean a tax cut of $1,369, or $52.60 every fortnight.

And there’s something likely to make an even bigger difference to the one in five Australian workers whose pay is set by an award rather than an enterprise agreement or an individual contract.

For many, wage increases will be bigger

Next Monday the Fair Work Commission will announce the increase in award wages due to take effect four weeks later on July 1.

In headline terms (and there’s more to it than the headline this time, as I’ll outline shortly) the Australian Council of Trades Unions is asking for 5%.

One of the employer groups, the Australian Chamber of Commerce and Industry, is asking for much less, and much less than the rate of inflation – just 2%.

Its chief executive Andrew McKellar says employers’ legislated superannuation contributions are set to climb by 0.5% of most wages in July, meaning the cost to employers of a 2% increase would be 2.5%.

Another employers body, the Australian Industry Group, is suggesting 2.8%, which is also less than the rate of inflation.

The government itself wants at least the rate of inflation for workers on low pay. It has asked the commission to ensure the “real wages of Australia’s low-paid workers do not go backwards”.

It’s a fair bet the commission will award at least the rate of inflation.

On only two occasions in the past decade has the commission awarded less than the published annual rate of inflation at the time. One was when businesses were in danger of going under as COVID hit in 2020 and the other was last year, when inflation was an unusually high 7%.



The most recent quarterly inflation figures point to an annual rate of 3.6%. (There will be an update on the more experimental monthly figure on Wednesday, but the commission is unlikely to pay too much attention to that).

That’ll mean an increase of 3.6% to 4% from July highly likely, which for an Australian on an award wage of $67,600 will mean an after-tax increase of at least $1,703, which is $65.50 per fortnight, on top of the fortnightly tax cut of $52.60.

There was a bizarre moment at last week’s hearing when the Australian Industry Group tried to argue that whatever increase the commission thought was fair should be cut to take account of the benefit workers would get from the tax cut.

Fair Work Commission President Adam Hatcher pointed out the commission had never boosted pay to compensate for the higher tax payments that flowed from bracket creep, and asked rhetorically: “why should we go in the other direction now?”

Wage decision unlikely to feed inflation

History suggests that if the wage rise the commission hands to Australians on awards is substantial, it won’t spark broader wage inflation. Only about 20% of workers are on awards. Many of them have low rates of pay, and many of them work in retail and hospitality.

Last year the commission awarded them 5.75%. Overall wages didn’t jump in response, climbing just 4.1%.

And there might be something else for low-paid workers. By law, the commission is now required to redress the undervaluation of work in industries traditionally dominated by women.

The Australian Council of Trades Unions has asked that, as an interim measure, workers in industries that require “emotional labour” be given an extra 4%.

We will find out on Monday.The Conversation

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Sunday, May 26, 2024

Top economists give budget modest rating and doubt inflation will fall as planned

Wes Mountain/The Conversation

Asked to grade Treasurer Jim Chalmers’ third budget on his own criteria of delivering on “inflation in the near term and then growth in the medium term”, most of the 49 leading economists surveyed by the Economic Society of Australia and The Conversation have failed to give it top marks.

On a grading scale of A to F, 17 of the 49 economists – about one-third – give the budget an A or a B. Two have declined to offer a grade.

The result is a sharp comedown from Chalmers’ second budget in 2023. Two-thirds of the economists surveyed conferred an A or a B on that budget.

The economists chosen to take part in the post-budget Economic Society surveys are recognised by their peers as leaders in fields including macroeconomics, economic modelling, housing and budget policy.

Among them are a former head of the Department of Finance, a former Reserve Bank board member and former Treasury, International Monetary Fund and Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development officials.

Thirteen of those surveyed – more than a quarter – give the budget a low mark of D or an E. None have given it the lowest possible mark of F.



Asked whether the budget was likely to achieve its aim of getting inflation back within the Reserve Bank’s 2-3% target band by the end of this year, and back to 2.75% by mid next year, 17 thought it would not. Only ten thought it would.

A greater number – 21 – were not sure.



In his budget speech, Chalmers predicted inflation would come back to the Reserve Bank’s target band sooner than the 2025 expected by the Reserve Bank itself, “perhaps even by the end of this year”.

The budget papers forecast an inflation rate of 2.75% by mid-2025, well within the target band and a half a percentage point lower than the bank’s forecast.

The papers say two measures in the budget, not known to the Reserve Bank when it produced its forecasts in early May, explain why the budget forecast is half a percentage point lower.

They are an extra year of energy bill relief of $300 per household and $325 for eligible small businesses and a further 10% increase in the maximum rate of Commonwealth Rent Assistance.



If the lower budget forecast is correct, and if the Reserve Bank sticks to the letter of its agreement with the treasurer that requires it to aim for consumer price inflation between 2% and 3%, the bank is likely to cut interest rates late this year or early next year as inflation approaches its target zone.

But economists including Flavio Menezes from The University of Queensland say while the budget measures might “mechanically” suppress measured inflation, they are:

unlikely to alleviate underlying inflationary pressures and may even exacerbate them; for households not experiencing financial strain, lower energy bills could simply lead to increased spending in other areas.

Former Reserve Bank board member Warwick Mckibbin says the bank is likely to “see through” (ignore) the largely temporary mechanical price reductions and “raise interest rates to where they should be”.

Others surveyed, a minority, argue the economy is too weak for the extra spending in the budget to boost inflation through consumer spending. Former Finance Department Secretary Michael Keating says any stimulus is “likely to be swamped by the economic slowing well under way”.

Independent economist Saul Eslake said the subsidies for energy and rent would inject only $3 billion into the economy in 2024-25. This meant any boost they would give to underlying inflation would be hardly “material”.

Tax cuts matter more than energy rebates

More important for boosting the economy would be previously budgeted Stage 3 tax cuts. These are set to inject $23.3 billion per year from June, climbing to $107.2 billion over four years.

Eslake said the decision to reskew the tax cuts toward middle and lower earners had saved the government from the need to direct extra specific support to these people. Politically, the government could not have got away with doing nothing.

But Eslake was appalled to discover that the cost of the single biggest spending item in the budget, the untied grants to the states, had blown out even more than expected. The special top-up for Western Australia is now set to cost $53 billion over 11 years instead of the $8.9 billion over eight years expected in 2018.

How the national government could justify gifting $53 billion to the government of Australia’s richest state was beyond his comprehension.

Big issues unaddressed

A repeated theme among the economists was that the budget did very little to boost productivity or address persistent problems.

Several described it as an election budget, others a budget driven by polling.

Macquarie University’s Lisa Magnani said the lack of attention to home prices, the funding of public schools and the poor performance of Australian firms was concerning, given Chalmers’ claim it was a budget for “decades to come”.

Former Department of Foreign Affairs chief economist Jenny Gordon said the budget had failed to tackle the distortions in the housing market and the financial sustainability of needed services including health care, aged care and childcare.

Independent economist Nicki Hutley said crunch time for tax reform was coming, given the large baked-in increases in spending on defence, health and disability insurance and Australia’s over-reliance on income tax and company tax.

Warwick McKibbin said Australia’s main economic problems were its lack of productivity growth, the big changes needed to bring about the energy transition, the surge in artificial intelligence, the risk of much lower export prices and geopolitical uncertainty.

The government should have tried to build a bipartisan consensus about how to fix these.

Private investors were hanging back knowing that whatever the government did could be reversed at the next election.

Although many of those surveyed welcomed the Future Made in Australia Act, some criticised its approach of “picking winners” and “wasting precious resources” by putting money into activities such as the manufacture of solar panels, which could be done more cheaply elsewhere.

Bigger government

Former Industry Department chief economist Mark Cully said it was in some ways one of the most consequential budgets in years.

It locked in a clear shift towards higher spending and revenue, which, at around 26% of GDP, was higher than any other time Australia had been near full employment.

Future Made in Australia was the most marked intervention by a government in shaping the future direction of the economy for decades.


Individual responses. Click to open:

The Conversation


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Tuesday, May 21, 2024

Peter Dutton makes Labor’s case. Tax breaks for landlords should be restricted to those who build homes

Opposition Leader Peter Dutton might have done us a favour.

As part of his budget reply speech on Thursday night he promised to stop foreigners buying existing Australian homes.

He didn’t only want to stop foreigners buying existing homes to live in, something they are able to do while here temporarily, as long as they they sell within three months of moving out.

He also wanted to stop them buying existing Australian homes to let to renters. He wanted to stop them being landlords. Not because landlords deprive us of homes to live in (they don’t) but because they deprive us of homes to own.

Every existing home that is owned by a landlord is a home that isn’t owned by an owner-occupier. It’s maths.

Foreign investors outbid residents

It was, Dutton said, pretty unfair to be at an auction “bidding against somebody who has very deep pockets and somebody who’s not an Australian citizen”.

Stopping foreign investors would help restore the “dream of home ownership”.

Here’s the favour. Dutton has pointed out something that’s true for all investors. By bidding against people who want to buy existing homes to live in, they are pushing up the price of those homes. When they succeed in buying an extra home, they ensure an owner-occupier does not.

Dutton has spelled out the maths.

He has acknowledged that, for foreign investors, the numbers aren’t big. It’s already hard for them to buy existing properties. In 2021-22, the most recent year for which we have figures, only 1,339 foreign investors bought existing properties.

But he told 3AW’s Tom Elliott that if there was anything that could be done, no matter how little, he would “jump at it”.

Local investors also outbid residents

There is something much bigger that could be done, which is to extend his idea to all would-be investors – every one of them who turns up at an auction for an existing property and bids against someone who wants to buy it to live in.

It’s hard to think of reasons why investors should be supported to bid against intending homebuyers. In the quarter century since the headline rate of capital gains tax was halved in 1999, investors have been supported by a particularly effective blend of negative gearing and capital gains tax concessions.

An extraordinary 2.2 million Australians now own investment properties – one in every six taxpayers. Thirty percent of them own two investment properties or more.

In the census before the change, 25.5% of households headed by someone aged 35-54 rented. In the most recent census it was 33.7%.

This isn’t because of a shortage of supply. It’s because a bigger chunk of the supply has been grabbed by landlords at the expense of Australians who in earlier years would have owned.

Had that bigger chunk not been grabbed, hundreds of thousands more Australians would own the homes they live in.

No one objects to investors who build new homes, increasing supply – certainly not Dutton. The two-year ban he put forward in his budget reply speech would have only stopped foreign investors buying existing properties. There would be nothing to stop them building and letting out new ones.

That’s how you would design a grander Dutton-style plan that applied to all investors. Labor put one forward at the 2016 and 2019 elections.

Labor had a plan like Dutton’s

Under Labor’s 2019 plan, negative gearing – the tax break that allows investors to write off losses they make from renters against their wage income – would no longer be available to new investors, except those who actually provided new homes.

Labor planned to

put negative gearing to work by limiting it to new investment properties to help boost housing supply and jobs

Negative gearing isn’t being put to work right now.

In March, the most recent month for which we have statistics, only 2,048 of Australia’s 16,948 property investment loans were for building new homes. Most of the rest went to investors who were going to compete against would-be residents to buy existing properties.

Labor says restricting negative gearing is no longer its plan.

On ABC Q&A on Monday Treasurer Jim Chalmers said he “wasn’t attracted” to the idea of changing negative gearing, yet he repeatedly said there was “no substitute for building new homes”

What Labor proposed in 2016 and 2019 would have directed investors towards building new homes.

It’s worth doing both because it would help create new homes and because it would reduce the number of would-be landlords going up against would-be homeowners at auctions.

Q&A. ABC

One of those intending homebuyers, Jessica Whitby, who was outbid at an auction in Chalmers’ electorate, asked him on Monday to “disincentivise people who are purchasing multiple investment properties to assist first home buyers to get into the market sooner”.

Chalmers replied the thing that mattered most was supply, but he didn’t mention that what Whitby was proposing used to be Labor Party policy, didn’t acknowledge that it would encourage supply, and didn’t acknowledge that (in theory at least) Dutton appears to agree.

Support from many quarters

And not only Dutton. Scott Morrison expressed concern about the “excesses” of negative gearing as treasurer in 2016. His predecessor, Joe Hockey, said on leaving parliament that negative gearing should be skewed toward new housing so there was “an incentive to add to the housing stock”.

It’s as if almost everyone can see the sort of thing that needs to be done.

Australia’s negative gearing and capital gains tax concessions are incredibly expensive. The treasury costs negative gearing alone at $2.7 billion per year.

At least in principle, there’s agreement about how to make it work for us.The Conversation

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Tuesday, May 07, 2024

If the RBA’s right, interest rates may not fall for another year. Here’s why – and what it means for next week’s budget

The Reserve Bank is now assuming Australians will see no interest rate cuts this year – and quite possibly none before the next federal election, due next May.

That’s a big change compared to just three months ago. Back in February, the Reserve Bank assumed three rate cuts before the middle of the next year.

Its newly-updated assumptions have interest rates remaining high for the rest of this year, then declining only slowly, with a cut by May 2025 about as unlikely as it is likely.



The assumptions are based on financial market pricing, which the bank says is “the best predictor of the future cash rate path”.

What changed the market pricing and the bank’s forecasts? Inflation.

That’s posing a big challenge for the Albanese government as it prepares for next week’s federal budget.

Rates on hold amid rising inflation

In its statement on Tuesday explaining why it was leaving its cash rate on hold at 4.35%, the Reserve Bank board sharpened its language about inflation.

It’s now forecasting an increase in inflation later this year and warning that getting it down is proving harder “than previously expected”.

The updated forecasts have the annual rate of inflation climbing from its present 3.6% to 3.8% in June and staying there for the rest of the year, before falling back in line with the bank’s previous forecast released in February.



Both forecasts have inflation remaining above the bank’s 2-3% target band until late 2025, and both have it not returning to the centre of the band until mid-2026.

US rate cuts are also on hold

It’s a similar story in the United States, with the expected date of rate cuts blowing out there as well.

There, as here, the monthly measure of annual inflation rate remains stuck at 3.5%. In both countries, it’s no lower than it was late last year.

The chair of the US Federal Reserve Jerome Powell now says he won’t cut rates until he is more confident inflation is heading back down towards his target, adding it is likely to take longer than expected to get that confidence.

The budget will focus on more than inflation

So what’s Treasurer Jim Chalmers planning to do on budget night next week to give the Reserve Bank more confidence inflation is clearly heading down?

Not that much – and certainly not nearly as much as in previous budgets.

Chalmers’ opposite number, Coalition Treasury spokesman Angus Taylor, says the treasurer should “stop the spend-a-thon”, by which he means containing growth in government spending to take pressure off inflation.

It’s advice Chalmers and Finance Minister Katy Gallagher won’t be following this time. And not because they don’t understand the thinking behind it.

Restraining spending (and pushing up tax) would indeed take pressure off prices. Chalmers and Gallagher could say they’ve cut $50 billion off spending over the past two years. But a further big cut might push the economy into free fall.

We’re buying and dining out less

The Australian economy is alarmingly weak. As the Reserve Bank board met on Tuesday, the Bureau of Statistics released its latest estimates of the volumes of goods and services bought from online and physical stores.

The estimates are price-adjusted, which in this case means that while what we spent climbed (a tiny) 0.8% over the year to March, what we bought fell 1.3%.

The amount of food we bought fell 1.5%. The amount of household goods we bought fell 1.8%. And the amount we bought from cafes and restaurants fell 2.5%.

The only category in which buying has climbed over the past year was clothing and footwear, and only by 0.3%.

All this has happened in a year in which the Australian population grew by more than 2% – which means the reduced amount of things we have bought has had to feed, clothe and service about an extra 600,000 of us.

Chalmers knows this. It’s consistent with the national accounts, which show the amount we’ve spent and earned per person has shrunk over the past year, in a so-called per capita recession.

The Australian National University’s latest ANUPoll finds us more financially stressed than during the depths of the COVID lockdowns.

Twenty per cent of us say we have borrowed money from friends or relatives over the past year, up from 16% during the lockdowns. Meanwhile, 21% have fallen behind on our bills, up from 17%; and 62% of us have cut our spending on groceries and essential items, up from 43%.

A ‘scorched earth’ budget risks recession

It means that a further big cut in government spending – right now – could push us from a per capita recession into an actual recession.

It’s why Chalmers said on Monday now was “not the time for scorched earth austerity”. He won’t slash and burn while the economy is weak.

After three budget updates in which he has spent less than previously forecast, in next Tuesday’s budget he will spend more – at least for some of the years for which he will produce projections.

Gallagher added this week she’s been as good as forced to spend more in some areas. Several programs introduced, but not properly funded, by the previous government are set to end abruptly. One is the leaving violence payment, which began as a trial.

Don’t expect rates to change soon

In fairness to the Reserve Bank, it too knows the economy is weak. Its updated forecasts released on Tuesday have downgraded expected economic growth to just 1.2% for the year to June and 1.6% for the year to December.

And it knows its 13 interest rate rises to date are yet to have their full effect.

Speaking at a press conference after the board’s decision to keep rates on hold, Governor Michele Bullock gave the impression that lifting rates further was still one of the furthest things from her mind.The Conversation

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Wednesday, May 01, 2024

Australians lose $5,200 a minute to scammers. There’s a simple thing the government could do to reduce this. Why won’t they?

What if the government was doing everything it could to stop thieves making off with our money, except the one thing that could really work?

That’s how it looks when it comes to scams, which are attempts to trick us out of our funds, usually by getting us to hand over our identities or bank details or transfer funds.

Last year we lost an astonishing A$2.74 billion to scammers. That’s more than $5,200 per minute – and that’s only the scams we know about from the 601,000 Australians who made reports. Many more would have kept quiet.

If the theft of $5,200 per minute seems over the odds for a country Australia’s size, a comparison with the United Kingdom suggests you are right. In 2022, people in the UK lost £2,300 per minute, which is about A$4,400. The UK has two and a half times Australia’s population.

It’s as if international scammers, using SMS, phone calls, fake invoices and fake web addresses are targeting Australia, because in other places it’s harder.

If we want to cut Australians’ losses, it’s time to look at rules about to come into force in the UK.

Scams up 320% since 2020

The current federal government is doing a lot – almost everything it could. Within a year of taking office, it set up the National Anti-Scam Centre, which coordinates intelligence. Just this week, the centre reported that figure of $2.74 billion, which is down 13% on 2022, but up 50% on 2021 and 320% on 2020.

It’s planning “mandatory industry codes” for banks, telecommunication providers and digital platforms.

But the code it is proposing for banks, set out in a consultation paper late last year, is weak when compared to overseas.

Banks are the gatekeepers

Banks matter, because they are nearly always the means by which the money is transferred. Cryptocurrency is now much less used after the banks agreed to limit payments to high risk exchanges.

Here’s an example of the role played by banks. A woman the Consumer Action Law Centre is calling Amelia tried to sell a breast pump on Gumtree.

The buyer asked for her bank card number and a one-time PIN and used the code to whisk out $9,100, which was sent overseas. The bank wouldn’t help because she had provided the one-time PIN.

Here’s another. A woman the Competition and Consumer Commission is calling Niamh was contacted by someone using the National Australia Bank’s SMS ID. Niamh was told her account was compromised and talked through how to transfer $300,000 to a “secure” account.

After she had done it, the scammer told her it was a scam, laughed and said “we are in Brisbane, come find me”.

How bank rules protect scammers

And one more example. Former University of Melbourne academic Kim Sawyer (that’s his real name, he is prepared to go public) clicked on an ad for “St George Capital” displaying the dragon logo of St. George Bank.

He was called back by a man using the name of a real St. George employee, who persuaded him to transfer funds from accounts at the AMP, Citibank and Macquarie to accounts he was told would be in his and his wife’s name at Westpac, ANZ, the Commonwealth and Bendigo Banks.

They lost $2.5 million. Sawyer says none of the banks – those that sent the funds or those that received them – would help him. Some cited “privacy” reasons.

The Consumer Action Law Centre says the banks that transfer the scammed funds routinely tell their customers “it’s nothing to do with us, you transferred the money, we can’t help you”. The banks receiving the funds routinely say “you’re not our customer, we can’t help you”.

That’s here. Not in the UK.

UK bank customers get a better deal

In Australia in 2022, only 13% of attempted scam payments were stopped by banks before they took place. Once scammed, only 2% to 5% of losses (depending on the bank) were reimbursed or compensated.

In the UK, the top four banks pay out 49% to 73%.

And they are about to pay out much more. From October 2024, reimbursement will be compulsory. Where authorised fast payments are made “because of deception by fraudsters”, the banks will have to reimburse the lot.

Normally the bills will be split 50:50 between the bank transferring the funds and the bank receiving them. Unless there’s a need for further investigations, the payments must be made within five days.

The only exceptions are where the consumer seeking reimbursement has acted fraudulently or with gross negligence.

The idea behind the change – pushed through by the Conservative government now led by UK Prime Minister Rishi Sunak – is that if scams are the banks’ problem, if they are costing them millions at a time, they’ll stop them.

New Zealand is looking at doing the same thing, as is Singapore.

But here, the treasury’s discussion paper on its mandatory codes mentions reimbursement only once. That’s when it talks about what’s happening in the UK. Neither treasury nor the relevant federal minister is proposing it here.

Australia’s approach is softer

Assistant Treasurer Stephen Jones is in charge of Australia’s rules.

Asked why he wasn’t pushing for compulsory reimbursement here, Jones said on Monday prevention was better.

I think a simplistic approach of just saying, ‘Oh, well, if any loss, if anyone incurs a loss, then the bank always pay’, won’t work. It’ll just make Australia a honeypot for these international crime gangs, because they’ll say, well, ‘Let’s, you know, focus all of our activity on Australia because it’s a victimless crime if banks always pay’.

Telling banks to pay would certainly focus the minds of the banks, in the way they are about to be focused in the UK.

The Australian Banking Association hasn’t published its submission to the treasury review, but the Consumer Action Law Centre has.

It says if banks had to reimburse money lost, they’d have more of a reason to keep it safe.

In the UK, they are about to find out. If Jones is right, it might be about to become a honeypot for scammers. If he is wrong, his government will leave Australia even further behind when it comes to scams – leaving us thousands more dollars behind per day.The Conversation

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Tuesday, April 23, 2024

Beyond the spin, beyond the handouts, here’s how to get a handle on what’s really happening on budget night

Three weeks from now, some of us will be presented with a mountain of budget papers, and just about all of us will get to hear about them on radio, TV or news websites on budget night.

The quickest way to find out what the budget is really doing will be to listen to the treasurer’s speech, or to peruse online the aptly-named “glossy” – a document that last year was titled “Stronger foundations for a better future”.

Cover of 2023 budget glossy

But they will tell you exactly what the government wants you to hear, exactly as it wants you to hear it.

If you are looking instead for the truth – what the government is actually trying to achieve and what it is holding itself and its officials to, I would suggest something else, tucked away on about page 87 of the main budget document.

It is required by the Charter of Budget Honesty Act introduced in 1998 by Peter Costello, the treasurer under Prime Minister John Howard.

On taking office in 1996, Costello set up a National Commission of Audit to examine the finances he had inherited from the Hawke and Keating governments, presumably with an eye to discovering they had been mismanaged.

But the members of the commission weren’t much interested in that. Instead, they decided to deal with something more fundamental.

Budget as you wish, but explain your strategy

Governments were perfectly entitled to manage money in whatever way they wanted, and they were perfectly entitled to spend more money than they raised (which they usually do, it’s called a budget deficit).

What the commission wanted was for governments to make clear what they were doing, and to spell out the strategy behind it.

Only part of it was about being upfront with the public. The commission also wanted governments to be upfront with themselves – to actually develop frameworks for what they were doing, rather than doing whatever they felt like.

The commission recommended a Charter of Budget Honesty, which among other things requires officials to prepare independent assessments of the finances before each election, requires budget updates six months after each budget, and requires tax expenditures (tax breaks) to be accounted for like other expenditures.

And it requires the publication and regular updating of a fiscal strategy statement.

Where treasurers hold themselves accountable

The fiscal strategy can be thought of as an exam question set by the student who is being examined – something along the lines of “this is what you say you want your budget to achieve, please set out the means by which you plan to achieve it”.

It turns out to have been exceptionally effective in getting governments to organise their thoughts, make budgets at least try to achieve something, and let the rest of us know what they are trying to achieve.

Every few years, treasurers change the strategy, as is their right. Treasurer Jim Chalmers says he’ll change it again this budget, to de-emphasise the fight against inflation and to more greatly emphasise the need to support economic growth.

His statement will tell us what’s behind his actions in a way the glossy words in his brochure and speech might not.

The strategy that has signposted 26 years

Previous statements have signposted all the important turns in what the budget is trying to do.

The first, in 1998, committed Costello and Howard to achieving a budget surplus on average over the economic cycle and whenever “growth prospects remain sound”.

Making that commitment more difficult was another “not to introduce new taxes or raise existing taxes over the term of this parliament”.

Two years later, after the government had won an election promising a new goods and services tax, that commitment was changed to “no increase in the overall tax burden from its 1996-97 level”, a condition met by calling the GST a state tax.

Hockey and Morrison wound back spending

The Labor budgets from 2008 loosened the tax target to the average share of GDP below the reference year, which they changed to the higher-tax year of 2007-08.

The first Coalition budget under Treasurer Joe Hockey in 2014 changed the target from tax to spending, pledging to bring down the ratio of payments to GDP, and pledging a surplus of 1% of GDP by 2023-24.

Any new spending would be more than offset by cuts elsewhere, and if the budget did receive a burst of unexpected revenue it would be “banked” rather than spent.

In 2018 Treasurer Scott Morrison reintroduced tax as a target, that he spelled out precisely. Tax was not to increase beyond 23.9% of GDP.

Then during COVID, Frydenberg spent big

In 2020, in the face of a COVID-induced recession and soaring unemployment, Finance Minister Mathias Cormann and Treasurer Josh Frydenberg pushed the old strategy to one side.

They would spend big now to keep the economy afloat so they wouldn’t have to spend more bailing it out later, and they wouldn’t return to their old concern about the deficit until the unemployment rate was “comfortably below 6%”.

So well did they succeed that in 2021 Frydenberg made the momentous decision to keep going, abandoning the promise to return to worrying about the deficit when unemployment fell below 6%.

Instead he promised to keep spending big until unemployment was “back to pre-crisis levels or lower”.

The decision propelled unemployment down to a 50-year low of 3.5%.

Along with high iron ore prices, that one change of strategy has probably helped deliver Chalmers two consecutive budget surpluses – the one he announced last year for 2022-23, and the one he is set to announce this year for 2023-24. More of us have been in jobs paying tax, and fewer have been out of jobs on benefits.

It’s a powerful demonstration of the real-world difference budget decisions can make, and the way in which the fiscal strategy tells the story.The Conversation

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Wednesday, April 17, 2024

Biden is cancelling millions of student debts – here’s what to expect from Albanese

So weighed down have Americans become by student debt, and so potent a political issue has it become in the US, that President Biden plans to waive interest or write off money owing by 30 million of them.

He is doing it bit by bit, in the face of resistance from the US Supreme Court. He has already axed or wound back 4.3 million debts, and on Friday cancelled 277,000 more.

The benefits, as he keeps telling anyone who will listen in the lead-up to the November election, are likely to be increased consumer spending, better mental health and credit scores for borrowers, and increased home ownership.

In Australia, Prime Minister Anthony Albanese is under pressure to do something – anything – for Australians under the same sort of pressure.

Every June, the amount owed jumps

Every June the amount that someone who has borrowed under the Higher Education Loan Program (HELP) jumps. Because the jump is linked to inflation, and because inflation has been low for decades, in most Junes the jump has been small, until last June.

On June 1 2023, Australians who had made no payments over the previous year faced a jump of 7.1%. Someone who had owed $25,000, suddenly owed $26,770, and so on.

A quarter of a million Australians have signed a petition asking for change.

The good news is there’s likely to be some change, and we are likely to hear about it soon, in the lead-up to the May budget.

The bad news for borrowers is it won’t be debt relief of the kind Biden is offering.

It’s worse in the US

While in both Australia and the US it’s the government that lends to pay student fees rather than private lenders (who don’t like the risks) in the US the loans are really onerous, requiring fixed monthly repayments over a set period of time, regardless of the borrower’s circumstances.

In Australia, the United Kingdom, New Zealand and some other countries that have copied Australia’s system, the loans are income contingent, meaning they only need to be repaid when the borrower’s income rises to a certain level.

At the moment Australia’s repayment threshold is A$51,550 per year, meaning anyone who earns less than that doesn’t need to repay a cent, perhaps forever if their income never climbs that high.

Where payments are required, they are taken out in the same way as income tax is, each fortnight for pay-as-you-earn employees.

Buried within Biden’s announcement is a decision to move towards an Australian-style plan he has called SAVE, which stands for Saving on a Valuable Education.

If it becomes law, single Americans won’t have to repay until they earn US$32,800. For an American supporting a family of four, the threshold will be US$67,500. It will be an Australian-style system.

Easy wins for Albo

While Australia’s system is much better than the one in the US and has been copied around the world, it is far from perfect.

A simple change, identified by the report of the Australian Universities Accord delivered to Education Minister Jason Clare, in February is to increase the amount owing each year by either the rate of increase in prices or the rate of increase in wages, whichever is lower.

Usually, prices increase by less than wages, which is why the system was set up in 1988 to index amounts owed to prices.

But last year, unusually, prices increased faster than wages. In those years it would be simple to lift the amount owed only in line with wages, as the report recommends.

The amount owed needs to increase in line with something, because otherwise its value would shrink rapidly as prices rose. The government doesn’t charge interest (which would hurt) so instead it lifts the amount owed in line with prices to ensure that compared to other things it remains little changed.

Make repayments more like tax

Although we repay student loans through the income tax system, we don’t do it like income tax.

Here’s how it works for tax: on our first $18,200 of income we pay nothing, then we pay 19 cents in the dollar for each extra dollar we earn up to the next threshold, and so on. The key words here are “for each extra dollar”. We continue to pay nothing on the first $18,200 we earn.

Higher education loans work differently. For them, we repay nothing until we earn $51,550, and then at that point, even if we earn just one dollar more, we pay one per cent of all our annual income, the entire $51,550 (which amounts to $515).

It’s a repayment cliff that sends us backwards. It means earning an extra dollar costs more than $500 in that year. That’s an effective marginal tax rate of 500%.

The cliff matters. Each year, there’s an impressive cluster of taxpayers who happen to be earning just under the threshold. More likely to be women than men, they might be deciding not to work in order to keep their incomes below the threshold.

Make it easier to get home loans

Britain and other nations that copied Australia’s system don’t impose large repayments in one hit, and the economist who designed Australia’s system now says that part of the system was “an error, a mistake”.

That economist, Bruce Chapman, has suggested a redesign that would require collections only on extra rather than total incomes, a proposal the report to the government endorses.

And there’s something else Albanese can do. Right now Australia’s banking regulator requires banks to count student loans as debt for the purpose of determining who can get a housing loan, knocking some former students out.

Chapman says it would make more sense to treat the compulsory payments as tax, which is how they function. All they do is reduce after-tax income, and for low earners, they don’t even do that. It’d get more people into housing.

Now it’s over to Albo.The Conversation

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Sunday, April 14, 2024

Scrap the West Australian GST deal set to cost $40 billion – leading economists

Australia’s top economists overwhelmingly want Prime Minister Anthony Albanese to scrap a special deal with Western Australia that’s set to deliver it an extra A$40 billion in Commonwealth funding by the end of the decade.

Albanese pledged to maintain the special treatment for Western Australia in a visit to Perth in February. He even signed a promise on a newspaper front page and on a reporter’s arm with a marker pen.

The deal was struck in 2018 by the then Western Australian premier, Mark McGowan, and then federal treasurer, Scott Morrison. It gives Western Australia a much greater share of the centrally collected goods and services tax than it is entitled to under the formula administered by the Commonwealth Grants Commission.

In place in various forms since Federation, the formula distributes funds in such a way as to ensure each state and territory would be able to deliver comparable services if it made a similar effort to raise revenue from its own resources. It has been used to distribute GST collections since 2000.

For most of the past 100 years the formula has delivered more to the smaller states (including Western Australia) than would be expected on the basis of population, and less to the larger states of New South Wales and Victoria.

In the leadup to 2018, the mining boom changed that. The amount of GST delivered to Western Australia was pushed down to only 45% of what it would have got if the GST was split on the basis of population, in recognition of its much greater ability to raise revenue.

Morrison and McGowan’s deal phased in a floor under how much of the GST each state could get. In June it will climb to 75% of what the state would get on the basis of population, and from 2026 to no less than what the strongest of Victoria and NSW get, no matter how strong the state’s economy.

Haul of $30 billion to $50 billion

The extra payments to Western Australia will initially be funded from general Commonwealth tax revenue, rather than by cutting GST payments to other states.

Estimates of the cost by 2030 range from $30 billion to $50 billion. Independent economist Saul Eslake puts the cost at $39.2 billion, assuming the iron ore price falls in line with budget assumptions.

Beyond 2029‑30, any extra payments to Western Australia will come from the GST total at the expense of other states.

Asked whether the long-standing method of distributing GST revenue in accordance with need and ability to pay is broadly the best one, 25 of the 38 top economists who responded to the Economic Society of Australia poll said yes.

Ten said no, five of them saying it would be better to move towards a system where revenue was distributed on the basis of population or gross state product.



Asked whether the 2018 changes that advantaged Western Australia should be kept or scrapped, 28 of the 38 wanted them scrapped.

Only four wanted them kept.



The 38 experts who took part are recognised by their peers as leaders in fields including tax and budget policy. Two are from Western Australia.

Several observed that the natural resources with which Western Australia is endowed are a matter of luck, “even acknowledging that it takes skill and effort to extract them”.

Sue Richardson from the University of Adelaide argued that minerals were a national rather than a local resource and it undermined the integrity of the nation to have the benefits from mining them concentrated in the part of the nation in which they sat.

Eslake said that even if Australia had no state governments and just one central government, as did Japan and New Zealand, it would still make sense to distribute resources to the parts of the nation with the greatest need in much the same way as the Grants Commission has traditionally done.

Consultant Rana Roy said that distributing resources away from the rich states in order to make the poorer states more liveable was actually in the rich states’ best interests.

“Paris would not benefit if an impoverished rest-of-France were to decamp to Paris,” he said. “And London would not benefit if an impoverished rest-of-Britain were to decamp to London.”

Tasmania’s Hugh Sibly added that Australians move between states and many retire in a different state to the one in which they paid taxes, giving the entire nation an interest in ensuring all parts of the nation were liveable.

Equalisation good, but complex

Others surveyed said the calculations used to deliver what was once known as “full equalisation” and since 2018 has been known as “reasonable equalisation” were complicated – “almost farcical” – and should be replaced by something simpler, even if it made the system less fair.

One suggestion was that GST revenue should be allocated on the basis of the size of each state’s economy. Another was that it be allocated on the size of each state’s population, with top-up grants used to meet particular needs.

Former OECD official Adrian Blundell-Wignall said the needs of Indigenous Australians in particular should be addressed directly rather than by GST distributions as the governments that got GST money on the basis of their high Indigenous populations did a very poor job of spending it on those populations.

Two of the economists surveyed suggested a Commonwealth resource tax of the kind promoted by former Treasury head Ken Henry who said earlier this month Australia should stop revering plunder and dumb luck, and abandon its “finders keepers” approach to minerals.

The Productivity Commission will review the Western Australian deal in 2026.


Individual responses. Click to open:

The Conversation

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