
There is a truth about the budget that no politician from either side dares speak.
It is that Paul Keating might be right.
Productivity is the engine that drives our future prosperity.
The Treasurer’s budget papers reveal that it has stopped growing.
But you won’t hear that admission from the mouth of the Treasurer himself.
Asked two days after the budget whether the government was behind the eight ball on productivity he replied with one word: “No"...
He was asked again: “I mean, it has been mouldering in the low ones for most of this decade and the investments that the Government was outlining in the budget mightn’t pay off for some years yet. So, has the Government been behind the eight-ball on productivity?” Again the usually-expansive Treasurer replied with just one word: “No.”
A day later after Kevin Rudd had taken up the issue, the Treasurer was asked whether the Labor leader was correct – did the budget papers show that Australia’s rate of productivity growth would fall to zero?
He replied: “No, again you see, Mr Rudd hasn’t done his homework. It is a nonsense to say that productivity will fall to zero”.
When asked why it was nonsense, he replied: “Well, you can look all the way through the Budget papers and you won’t find any figure like that”.
The Treasurer is wrong. He will find the figure on page 4-30 of Budget Paper No. 1.
On that page there is a graph of productivity, defined by his Treasury as real GDP produced per hour worked. It shows it absolutely flat in the current financial year. This is both a projection (there are still a few months of the current financial year to go) and a statement of reality as already reported by the Australian Bureau of Statistics.
The ABS figures are set out in an accompanying graph on this page. They show that Australia’s quarterly trend growth in productivity went negative in the June quarter of 2006. It is the kind of dramatic reversal of economic fortune that you might expect Australia’s Treasurer to be addressing head-on. All the more so because on the (admittedly erratic) Bureau of Statistics quarterly figures, Australia’s productivity growth went negative in the June quarter, immediately after the introduction of WorkChoices.
Percentage increase in GDP per hour worked, March quarter 2005 to December quarter 2006.
Because quarterly movements can be erratic, economists such as Saul Eslake at the ANZ update a four-year moving average of the annual productivity growth each quarter. The ANZ’s graph, also on this page, shows Australia’s productivity growth soaring throughout the 1990’s and then collapsing from the turn of the century.
You would think that this would alarm a Treasurer concerned about the link between work practices and productivity.
His Prime Minister promised in the lead-up to WorkChoices that it would “unleash a new burst of productivity growth”.
It hasn’t. If WorkChoices has done anything it has sent productivity sharply backwards.
The former politician who no-one from either side of politics these days seems to want to quote with approval has a perfectly plausible explanation as to why this should be the case.
WorkChoices was not, as is widely believed, introduced primarily to move workers off inflexible centralised awards.
Workers were already moving off awards onto newly-created enterprise agreements at a fast rate.
Paul Keating legislated for enterprise agreements at the start of the 1990’s with the explicit aim of building productivity.
Instead of having a distant umpire set the same wage rate for all, say, engineers of a certain standard, wherever they worked, the wages of the engineers in each enterprise would be negotiated separately within the enterprise every few years at the same time as the wages for their colleagues doing other jobs.
This meant that in order to get a wage rise the workers in each enterprise needed to co-operate with each other and with the management in order to work out how they could make the enterprise more profitable. Sometimes it meant breaking down demarcation lines. In the case of Adelaide’s car industry it was as simple as agreeing to run two shifts each day. Previously cars had only been made in one shift each day during traditional working hours, leaving expensive equipment lying idle.
Every three years or so when a new agreement was negotiated the workers and the management had to co-operate again to come up with further productivity gains. The ANZ’s graph illustrates how productivity soared during the 1990’s.
Economists would call what happened: “increasing the size of the cake”. The extra slices were split between workers, through higher wages, and the company’s owners through higher profits.
By contrast Australian Workplace Agreements, introduced after the Howard government took office in 1996 and accelerated with the introduction of WorkChoices last year, are more about dividing the cake up.
As essentially secret one-on-one negotiations, with management on one side and each individual worker on the other, AWAs are less likely to engender co-operation among workers to bring about enterprise wide improvements in productivity.
The architect of the enterprise bargaining system, the former Labor Prime Minister Paul Keating explained the difference this way to the ABC radio’s Eleanor Hall one week before the budget.
“On this floor at the ABC here, there must be 150 people. If you went out there and said to them, look we're going to make an agreement for the next three years or four with the ABC and we want 3 per cent productivity a year out of it, or 2 per cent productivity, together you could all do something.
“But if they just take Eleanor Hall by herself and say, you will give us an increase in productivity, how can you, individually? How can you? What are you going to do, talk louder? Talk more? Be at work earlier?”
The graphs shown on this page are potent with the suggestion that the former Prime Minister is correct - that the system of enterprise bargaining introduced in the 1990’s made Australia’s workplace productivity soar and that the system of individual bargaining introduced to eclipse it is winding those gains back.
Paul Keating has some support. Peter Costello’s Treasury agrees that that by encouraging a more co-operative workplace enterprise bargaining boosted productivity.
In Budget Statement 4 it notes that “the OECD has stated that the increasing scope for direct negotiations between employers and employees has probably also helped to raise productivity, as enterprise bargaining allows firms to adopt productivity enhancing practices and promotes a more co-operative work environment where performance and reward are more closely linked.”
The Treasury says the Coalition’s changes to the industrial relations system are to be applauded to the extent that they reduce the importance of awards. Perhaps significantly it does not say that they should be applauded to the extent that they reduce the importance of enterprise agreements.
Labor’s industrial relations policy is about restoring the primacy of Keating-style enterprise agreements. It is not, as Government ministers frequently claim, about a return to the centralised system of wage fixing that existed before them.
The government’s own figures suggest that Keating-style enterprise agreements paid Australia huge productivity dividends. They suggest that moving away from them has set our productivity performance back.
And yet, Labor’s leader Kevin Rudd and its deputy leader and industrial relations spokesman Julia Gillard have been reluctant to make that case. They have been reluctant to mount the very plausible argument that Keating-style agreements enhance productivity growth whereas Howard-style agreements hold it back.
It is an argument waiting to be made, by someone other than Keating himself.
But to make it would involve invoking the former Prime Minister’s name and associating themselves with him. So instead they, like the Treasurer and the Prime Minister, this week scarcely mentioned the link between wage-setting and productivity.
Only one shadow minister is speaking out consistently about productivity. Craig Emerson, who has a PhD in economics and has responsibility for the service economy, small business and independent contractors has written a manifesto on the topic.
In it he quotes the words of the venerable US economist Paul Krugman who says that “productivity isn’t everything, but in the long run it is almost everything”.
In Krugman’s words: “A country’s ability to improve its standard of living over time depends almost entirely on its ability to raise its output per worker”.

12 comments:
It appeals to common sense and it appeals to a (sort of) ideal workplace - one that many of us spend a lot of effort in trying to bring about.
I hope you don't mind if I link to this article in the hope that the word can be spread.
Great analysis and insightful post, Peter.
If Rudd has any nouse he will run with this compelling economic narrative. The evidence is there for all to see. You know it makes sense.
I wouldn't panic about the productivity slowdown yet, though it's bloody dishonest of the government to deny its existence and it would certainly be a politically helpful line for Rudd to run.
It is just what you would expect to happen with a boost in labour demand for lower-skilled workers, whether generated by cutting their wages or some other way. So it's the flip side of a falling unemployment and rising employment rate - these newly enployed people are simply not as productive on average as those who were already employed.
If I'm correct it's a one-off effect (we can't keep sucking more and more ever-more-marginally-productive people into work indefinitely). That would mean it's just a pause in productivity growth - time will tell.
Well, the government has said the main driver is "participation and productivity" meaning the percentage of the population who are working, AND their output per unit of input (time).
In this discussion, let's congratulate the government on participation. A thirty-year low in unemployment figures is commendable, even if they have changed the way of measuring this - just one hour of work a week makes you 'employed'.
I think it was a Gittens SMH story some time ago that reviewed the major drivers to various nations' relative productivity. Education of the workforce ranked well, but what surprised most was that 'proximity of a major market' was as strong an effect. In this regard, Australia is in a geographically tougher position than NAFTA (US Canada and Mexico) or the EU countries.
Clearly we need to become better integrated into the economies of SE Asia...
I think one of the best ways to achieve that would be to link the new inland railway (Vic to Qld) EVENTUALLY to the port of Darwin, so we can ship low-cost with 1-2 day voyages into major Asian ports.
And for things which don't ship well by sea, we could try using the inland freight depots (eg Parkes NSW) as a freight airport. The government could call for tenders for an airline to fly a freighter twice a week from there to a few Asian market cities (eg Parkes to Jakarta, Singapore thence Hong Kong). We'd get a plethora of high value exports, such as flower producers, cray/marron producers, fisheries etc all shipping fresh produce to these markets, while the freight airline was subsidised. The test then would be to see which centres justified an airfreight service after the initial two-year market growth phase. The one's in rural Victoria might not be worthwhile, as Melbourne is too close and is freight-friendly. But a central NSW one might be justified, simply because shipping things over the Blue Mountains and through Sydney's roads and then Sydney Airport is a nightmare, due to congestion and risk of product spoiling in-transit. Another site might be somewhere in the NW of Australia, getting the needed agriculture to flourish in the Ord River scheme (given the declining rainfall in the South of Australia but increased rainfall in the North).
So, productivity is important, and the Howard government has been miserly in education for 10 years, but this is not the only issue.
Personally, I agree with simplifying the regulations in effect at workplaces. However, everything should not be in a personal contracts, though I think there should be scope for having personal contracts. But our society as a whole should decide what minimum premium we put on family time, and the parliament should set the (say) 15% premium for working after 7pm and the 25% premium for working Sunday. The dozen or so real 'must haves' (and it was never sensible to talk about five of them) should be outside any such contract. In other words, why rely on whether a company's lawyer correctly interprets the law - just have any personal contract note that the national law overrides, and make the national law clear that it overrides any personal contracts. Then you aren't dependent upon stupid/exploitive employers, the way Howard has been... and if the mining industry wants to offer fortnightly rosters etc, the level of pay will incorporate the modest Sunday premium anyway. I just think the Howard government went about its reform in a way that was doomed to fail... and with the potential for such abhorred examples, that people would reject the underlying objective of removing 1500 separate awards.
Graeme (prof at-symbol post.harvard.edu)
Thanks again for the focus on productivity.
Interestingly, The Economist this week had an interesting thing to say about housing prices (which are between 55% to 75% overvalued in Oz if compared to rents using a PE ratio) and productivity:
Inflating housing prices DECREASE productivity by decreasing the mobility of labor.
I would like to put forward an alternate theory why our productivity is stalling. There is too much employee turnover. This leads to three problems.
1) Employers have no incentive to invest in employee training as they know staff will leave for a better job as soon as they get it.
2) People don't have time to develop intimate company specific knowledged that you can really only obtain after years at one place.
3) With so many new people at every company the effectiveness of person to person interactions within a company are much lower as solid relationships and trust never have time to develop.
I know in my workplace it takes at least three years for a smart person to learn the system properly and you can still be forming useful contacts that make your job easier within the company after a couple of decades. At the moment you have bugger all chance of keeping someone for ten years and a pretty good risk of losing someone before 3 are up. The result is that the best you can hope for at any one time is someone who half understands the system.
Keating's argument fits in with the way things are done in places like Japan and Germany. These places have very inflexible labour markets but still manage to get very high productivity. These countries take very good care of their workers so its easy to see why the workers feel they have a stake in the success of the company they work for and hence an incentive to improve productivity.
Just a couple of common myths that badly need busting:
- the definition of "unemployment" used in Australia is an international (ILO) standard that has been unchanged since the 1950s and used by the ABS since the 1960s. For better or worse, it's always been one hour or more of paid work in the last week. The popular opinion on the left that this has somehow been changed in the interests of doctoring the numbers is completely untrue. In fact for technical reasons to do with the difficulty of contacting people and the scope of the survey it's likely that the estimates of unemployment made in the 1960s and 70s were biased downwards far more than they are now - the exact opposite of what the conspiracy theorists think.
- average tenure for a job is longer now than it was in the 1970s. IOW job turnover has fallen since then.
Are you sure about the unemployment figures?
Roy Morgan conducts their own series of unemployment surveys. He has published a letter (http://www.roymorgan.com/news/papers/2003/20030801/) where he suggests issues such as "re-classifying some unemployed people as permanently disabled (or by inventing a Youth Allowance that disguises youth unemployment figures)" that would understate unemployment numbers regardless of the methodology used.
Turnover is interesting. I had no idea. Have you got a link or something on that? Comparitive turnover between the 70's and today sounds like a fascinating topic.
swio - don't confue Centrelink labels with ABS policies.
Peter, I think you should read this piece, and the Statistics Canada article to which it refers:
http://www.institutional-economics.com/index.php/section/comments/the_productivity_puzzle/
I also think that we should balance coverage of the fall in productivity with ackowledgement of the boost in employment. From memory, productivity also stayed low following the introduction of the Accord in 1983, but employment boomed (unfortunately, high employment levels weren't long sustained). Falling unemployment is a Godsend for the economy, even more for Australian society. Once all of the employment benefits due to WorkChoices encouraging employers to change their business structure have passed through, we can (should?) expect productivity to start growing again.
Sure, Krugman says that living standards depend on increasing output per worker. And he is right. But you actually have to have those workers in jobs producing output in the first place - not just collecting dole cheques, yes?
And don't forget that mining boom.
Re swio's comment on turnover.
I'd add "loss of corporate memory".
This could be countered if more businesses started managing metadata in their documents (perhaps by installing an internal google).
It is depressing that in so many businesses, different people have such a different understanding of the terms they use, even those specific to activities of that individual business.
LETTERS TO THE EDITOR, May 12, 2007
Howard's WorkChoices are flat to Keating's growth
Peter Martin's article (''Keating's truth that no one dares speak'', May 12, pB4) draws attention to graphs and projections on productivity (real GDP produced per hour worked) in the 2007 Budget Paper No 1 (4-30). Productivity to date in this financial year is shown as absolutely flat. ABS June quarter 2006 figures reinforce this, identifying that negative growth occurred immediately with the introduction of WorkChoices. Paul Keating states that cooperative workplace enterprise bargaining boosts productivity. Costello's Treasury agrees that by encouraging a more cooperative workplace, enterprise bargaining boosts productivity. It is generally accepted that good teamwork produces good outcomes. Could it be that neither Costello nor Howard are talking with Treasury? If Howard, at his peril, chooses to ignore these negative productivity figures he will condemn Australia's economy to wreck on the rock of his illogical, divisive, antiquated industrial relations ideology WorkChoices!
Albert M. White, Queanbeyan, NSW
We always have to be wary of statistics but the case for Keating's work place agreements versus Howard's Work- Choices is clear. Keating's policy of workers bargaining with employers over wage gains for productivity improvements created a boost for productivity while Howard's WorkChoices has lead to lower productivity. The statistics prove it. Keating introduced work-place agreements in 1993 and for the following years until they were repealed the nation enjoyed substantial boosts in productivity. Immediately after Howard started to talk about WorkChoices in 2004, productivity started dropping until now the nation is going backward in terms of productivity.
The reason is obvious.
Productivity is measured by the output per hour worked. Employers now have the upper hand with respect to bargaining and because they can increase profits by reducing wages and conditions they will tend to forget about productivity as the way to increase profits. It is too easy to reduce wages while it is hard to get productivity gains.
Kevin Cox, Ngunnawal
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